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On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures by Charles Babbage is part of the HackerNoon Books Series. You can jump to any chapter in this book . On a New System of Manufacturing here Chapter 26. On a New System of Manufacturing A most erroneous and unfortunate opinion prevails amongst workmen in many manufacturing countries, that their own interest and that of their employers are at variance. The consequences are that valuable machinery is sometimes neglected, and even privately injured—that new improvements, introduced by the masters, do not receive a fair trial—and that the talents and observations of the workmen are not directed to the improvement of the processes in which they are employed. This error is, perhaps, most prevalent where the establishment of manufactories has been of recent origin, and where the number of persons employed in them is not very large: thus, in some of the Prussian provinces on the Rhine it prevails to a much greater extent than in Lancashire. Perhaps its diminished prevalence in our own manufacturing districts, arises partly from the superior information spread amongst the workmen; and partly from the frequent example of persons, who by good conduct and an attention to the interests of their employers for a series of years, have become foremen, or who have ultimately been admitted into advantageous partnerships. Convinced as I am, from my own observation, that the prosperity and success of the master manufacturer is essential to the welfare of the workman, I am yet compelled to admit that this connection is, in many cases, too remote to be always understood by the latter, and whilst it is perfectly true that workmen, as a class, derive advantage from the prosperity of their employers, I do not think that each individual partakes of that advantage exactly in proportion to the extent to which he contributes towards it; nor do I perceive that the resulting advantage is as immediate as it might become under a different system. It would be of great importance, if, in every large establishment the mode of payment could be so arranged, that every person employed should derive advantage from the success of the whole; and that the profits of each individual should advance, as the factory itself produced profit, without the necessity of making any change in the wages. This is by no means easy to effect, particularly amongst that class whose daily labour procures for them their daily food. The system which has long been pursued in working the Cornish mines, although not exactly fulfilling these conditions, yet possesses advantages which make it worthy of attention, as having nearly approached towards them, and as tending to render fully effective the faculties of all who are engaged in it. I am the more strongly induced to place before the reader a short sketch of this system, because its similarity to that which I shall afterwards recommend for trial, will perhaps remove some objections to the latter, and may also furnish some valuable hints for conducting any experiment which might be undertaken. In the mines of Cornwall, almost the whole of the operations, both above and below ground, are contracted for. The manner of making the contract is nearly as follows. At the end of every two months, the work which it is proposed to carry on during the next period is marked out. It is of three kinds. 1. Tutwork, which consists in sinking shafts, driving levels, and making excavations: this is paid for by the fathom in depth, or in length, or by the cubic fathom. 2. Tribute, which is payment for raising and dressing the ore, by means of a certain part of its value when rendered merchantable. It is this mode of payment which produces such admirable effects. The miners, who are to be paid in proportion to the richness of the vein, and the quantity of metal extracted from it, naturally become quicksighted in the discovery of ore, and in estimating its value; and it is their interest to avail themselves of every improvement that can bring it more cheaply to market. 3. Dressing. The 'Tributors', who dig and dress the ore, can seldom afford to dress the coarser parts of what they raise, at their contract price; this portion, therefore, is again let out to other persons, who agree to dress it at an advanced price. The lots of ore to be dressed, and the works to be carried on, having been marked out some days before, and having been examined by the men, a kind of auction is held by the captains of the mine, in which each lot is put up, and bid for by different gangs of men. The work is then offered, at a price usually below that bid at the auction, to the lowest bidder, who rarely declines it at the rate proposed. The tribute is a certain sum out of every twenty shillings' worth of ore raised, and may vary from threepence to fourteen or fifteen shillings. The rate of earnings in tribute is very uncertain: if a vein, which was poor when taken, becomes rich, the men earn money rapidly; and instances have occurred in which each miner of a gang has gained a hundred pounds in the two months. These extraordinary cases, are, perhaps, of more advantage to the owners of the mine than even to the men; for whilst the skill and industry of the workmen are greatly stimulated, the owner himself always derives still greater advantage from the improvement of the vein.(1*) This system has been introduced, by Mr Taylor, into the lead mines of Flintshire, into those at Skipton in Yorkshire, and into some of the copper mines of Cumberland; and it is desirable that it should become general, because no other mode of payment affords to the workmen a measure of success so directly proportioned to the industry, the integrity, and the talent, which they exert. I shall now present the outline of a system which appears to me to be pregnant with the most important results, both to the class of workmen and to the country at large; and which, if acted upon, would, in my opinion, permanently raise the working classes, and greatly extend the manufacturing system. The general principles on which the proposed system is founded, are That a considerable part of the wages received by each person employed should depend on the profits made by the establishment; and, That every person connected with it should derive more advantage from applying any improvement he might discover, to the factory in which he is employed, than he could by any other course. 309. It would be difficult to prevail on the large capitalist to enter upon any system, which would change the division of the profits arising from the employment of his capital in setting skill and labour in action; any alteration, therefore, must be expected rather from the small capitalist, or from the higher class of workmen, who combine the two characters; and to these latter classes, whose welfare will be first affected, the change is most important. I shall therefore first point out the course to be pursued in making the experiment; and then, taking a particular branch of trade as an illustration, I shall examine the merits and defects of the proposed system as applied to it. 310. Let us suppose, in some large manufacturing town, ten or twelve of the most intelligent and skilful workmen to unite, whose characters for sobriety and steadiness are good, and are well known among their own class. Such persons will each possess some small portion of capital; and let them join with one or two others who have raised themselves into the class of small master manufacturers, and, therefore possess rather a larger portion of capital. Let these persons, after well considering the subject, agree to establish a manufactory of fire-irons and fenders; and let us suppose that each of the ten workmen can command forty pounds, and each of the small capitalists possesses two hundred pounds: thus they have a capital of L800 with which to commence business; and, for the sake of simplifying, let us further suppose the labour of each of these twelve persons to be worth two pounds a week. One portion of their capital will be expended in procuring the tools necessary for their trade, which we shall take at L400, and this must be considered as their fixed capital. The remaining L400 must be employed as circulating capital, in purchasing the iron with which their articles are made, in paying the rent of their workshops, and in supporting themselves and their families until some portion of it is replaced by the sale of the goods produced. 311. Now the first question to be settled is, what proportion of the profit should be allowed for the use of capital, and what for skill and labour? It does not seem possible to decide this question by any abstract reasoning: if the capital supplied by each partner is equal, all difficulty will be removed; if otherwise, the proportion must be left to find its level, and will be discovered by experience; and it is probable that it will not fluctuate much. Let us suppose it to be agreed that the capital of L800 shall receive the wages of one workman. At the end of each week every workman is to receive one pound as wages, and one pound is to be divided amongst the owners of the capital. After a few weeks the returns will begin to come in; and they will soon become nearly uniform. Accurate accounts should be kept of every expense and of all the sales; and at the end of each week the profit should be divided. A certain portion should be laid aside as a reserved fund, another portion for repair of the tools, and the remainder being divided into thirteen parts, one of these parts would be divided amongst the capitalists and one belong to each workman. Thus each man would, in ordinary circumstances, make up his usual wages of two pounds weekly. If the factory went on prosperously, the wages of the men would increase; if the sales fell off they would be diminished. It is important that every person employed in the establishment, whatever might be the amount paid for his services, whether he act as labourer or porter, as the clerk who keeps the accounts, or as bookkeeper employed for a few hours once a week to superintend them, should receive one half of what his service is worth in fixed salary, the other part varying with the success of the undertaking. 312. In such a factory, of course, division of labour would be introduced: some of the workmen would be constantly employed in forging the fire-irons, others in polishing them, others in piercing and forming the fenders. It would be essential that the time occupied in each process, and also its expense, should be well ascertained; information which would soon be obtained very precisely. Now, if a workman should find a mode of shortening any of the processes, he would confer a benefit on the whole party, even if they received but a small part of the resulting profit. For the promotion of such discoveries, it would be desirable that those who make them should either receive some reward, to be determined after a sufficient trial by a committee assembling periodically; or if they be of high importance, that the discoverer should receive one-half, or twothirds, of the profit resulting from them during the next year, or some other determinate period, as might be found expedient. As the advantages of such improvements would be clear gain to the factory, it is obvious that such a share might be allowed to the inventor, that it would be for his interest rather to give the benefit of them to his partners, than to dispose of them in any other way. 313. The result of such arrangements in a factory would be, That every person engaged in it would have a direct interest in its prosperity; since the effect of any success, or falling off, would almost immediately produce a corresponding change in his own weekly receipts. Every person concerned in the factory would have an immediate interest in preventing any waste or mismanagement in all the departments. The talents of all connected with it would be strongly directed to its improvement in every department. None but workmen of high character and qualifications could obtain admission into such establishments; because when any additional hands were required, it would be the common interest of all to admit only the most respectable and skilful; and it would be far less easy to impose upon a dozen workmen than upon the single proprietor of a factory. When any circumstance produced a glut in the market, more skill would be directed to diminishing the cost of production; and a portion of the time of the men might then be occupied in repairing and improving their tools, for which a reserved fund would pay, thus checking present, and at the same time facilitating future production. Another advantage, of no small importance, would be the total removal of all real or imaginary causes for combinations. The workmen and the capitalist would so shade into each other— would so evidently have a common interest, and their difficulties and distresses would be mutually so well understood that, instead of combining to oppress one another, the only combination which could exist would be a most powerful union between both parties to overcome their common difficulties. 314. One of the difficulties attending such a system is, that capitalists would at first fear to embark in it, imagining that the workmen would receive too large a share of the profits: and it is quite true that the workmen would have a larger share than at present: but, at the same time, it is presumed the effect of the whole system would be, that the total profits of the establishment being much increased, the smaller proportion allowed to capital under this system would yet be greater in actual amount, than that which results to it from the larger share in the system now existing. 315. It is possible that the present laws relating to partnerships might interfere with factories so conducted. If this interference could not be obviated by confining their purchases under the proposed system to ready money, it would be desirable to consider what changes in the law would be necessary to its existence: and this furnishes another reason for entering into the question of limited partnerships. 316. A difficulty would occur also in discharging workmen who behaved ill, or who were not competent to their work; this would arise from their having a certain interest in the reserved fund, and, perhaps, from their possessing a certain portion of the capital employed; but without entering into detail, it may be observed, that such cases might be determined on by meetings of the whole establishment; and that if the policy of the laws favoured such establishments, it would scarcely be more difficult to enforce just regulations, than it now is to enforce some which are unjust, by means of combinations either amongst the masters or the men. 317. Some approach to this system is already practised in several trades: the mode of conducting the Cornish mines has already been alluded to; the payment to the crew of whaling ships is governed by this principle; the profits arising from fishing with nets on the south coast of England are thus divided: one-half the produce belongs to the owner of the boat and net; the other half is divided in equal portions between the persons using it, who are also bound to assist in repairing the net when injured. NOTES: For a detailed account of the method of working the Cornish mines, see a paper of Mr John Taylor's Transactions of the Geological Society, vol. ii, p. 309. About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Charles Babbage (2003). On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/4238/pg4238.html This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at . www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html

On a New System of Manufacturing

How to Create a Steel Base Plate Design Web App Using Python and Viktor

পাইথন এবং ভিক্টর ব্যবহার করে কীভাবে একটি স্টিল বেস প্লেট ডিজাইন ওয়েব অ্যাপ তৈরি করবেন

So erstellen Sie mit Python und Viktor eine Web-App zum Entwerfen von Stahlgrundplatten

Cómo crear una aplicación web de diseño de placa base de acero usando Python y Viktor

Comment créer une application Web de conception de plaques de base en acier à l'aide de Python et Viktor

पायथन और विक्टर का उपयोग करके स्टील बेस प्लेट डिज़ाइन वेब ऐप कैसे बनाएं

Python と Viktor を使用してスチールベースプレート設計 Web アプリを作成する方法

Python과 Viktor를 사용하여 강철 베이스 플레이트 디자인 웹 앱을 만드는 방법

Como criar um aplicativo Web de design de placa de base de aço usando Python e Viktor

Как создать веб-приложение для проектирования стальной опорной пластины с помощью Python и Viktor

Python ve Viktor'u Kullanarak Çelik Taban Plaka Tasarımı Web Uygulaması Nasıl Oluşturulur

Cách tạo ứng dụng web thiết kế tấm đế thép bằng Python và Viktor

如何使用 Python 和 Viktor 创建钢底板设计 Web 应用程序

Scientific American Supplement, No. 717, September 28, 1889, by Various, is part of the HackerNoon Books Series. You can jump to any chapter in this book . EXPERIMENTAL AID IN THE DESIGN OF HIGH SPEED STEAMSHIPS. here EXPERIMENTAL AID IN THE DESIGN OF HIGH SPEED STEAMSHIPS. By D. P. The achievement of one triumph after another in the matter of high speed steamships, and especially the confidence with which pledges of certain results are given and accepted long before actual trials are made, form one of the most convincing proofs of the important part which scientific methods play in modern shipbuilding. This is evident in the case of ships embodying novel or hitherto untried features, and more especially so in cases where shipbuilders, having no personal practical experience or data, achieve such results. This was notably illustrated in the case of the Fairfield Co. undertaking some five years ago to build and engine a huge craft of most phenomenal form and proportions, and to propel the vessel at a given speed under conditions which appeared highly impracticable to many engaged in the same profession. The contract was proceeded with, however, and the Czar of Russia's wonderful yacht Livadia was the result, which (however much she may have justified the professional strictures as to form and proportions) entirely answered the designer's anticipations as to speed. Equally remarkable and far more interesting instances are the Inman liners City of Paris and City of New York, in whose design there was sufficient novelty to warrant the degree of misgiving which undoubtedly existed regarding the Messrs. Thomson's ability to attain the speed required. In the case at least of the City of Paris, Messrs. Thomson's intrepidity has been triumphantly justified. An instance still more opposite to our present subject is found in the now renowned Channel steamers Princess Henrietta and Princess Josephine, built by Messrs. Denny, of Dumbarton, for the Belgian government. The speed stipulated for in this case was 20½ knots, and although in one or two previous Channel steamers, built by the Fairfield Co., a like speed had been achieved, still the guaranteeing of this speed by Messrs. Denny was remarkable, in so far as the firm had never produced, or had to do with, any craft faster than 15 or 16 knots. The attainment not only of the speed guaranteed, but of the better part of a knot in excess of that speed, was triumphant testimony to the skill and care brought to bear upon the undertaking. In this case, at least, the result was not one due to a previous course of "trial and error" with actual ships, but was distinctly due to superior practical skill, backed and enhanced by knowledge and use of specialized branches in the science of marine architecture. Messrs. Denny are the only firm of private shipbuilders possessing an experimental tank for recording the speed and resistance of ships by means of miniature reproductions of the actual vessels, and to this fact may safely be ascribed their confidence in guaranteeing, and their success in obtaining, a speed so remarkable in itself and so much in excess of anything they had previously had to do with. Confirmatory evidence of their success with the Belgian steamers is afforded by the fact that they have recently been instructed to build for service between Stranraer and Larne a paddle steamer guaranteed to steam 19 knots, and have had inquiries as to other high speed vessels. In estimating the power required for vessels of unusual types or of abnormal speed, where empirical formulæ do not apply, and where data for previous ships are not available, the system of experimenting with models is the only trustworthy expedient. In the case of the Czar's extraordinary yacht, the Livadia, already referred to, it may be remembered that previous to the work of construction being proceeded with, experiments were made with a small model of the vessel by the late Dr. Tideman, at the government tank at Amsterdam. On the strength of the data so obtained, coupled with the results of trials made with a miniature of the actual vessel on Loch Lomond, those responsible for her stipulated speed were satisfied that it could be attained. The actual results amply justified the reliance placed upon such experiments. The design of many of her Majesty's ships has been altered after trials with their models. This was notably the case in connection with the design of the Medway class of river gunboats. The Admiralty constructors at first determined to make them 110 ft. long, by only 26 ft. in breadth. A doubt arising in their minds, the matter was referred to the late Mr. Froude, who had models made of various breadths, with which he experimented. The results satisfied the Admiralty officers that a substantial gain, rather than a loss, would follow from giving them much greater beam than had been proposed, and this was amply verified in the actual ships. So long ago as the last decade of last century, an extended series of experiments with variously shaped bodies, ships as well as other shapes, were conducted by Colonel Beaufoy, in Greenland dock, London, under the auspices of a society instituted to improve naval architecture at that time. Robert Fulton, of America, David Napier, of Glasgow, and other pioneers of the steamship, are related to have carried out systematic model experiments, although of a rude kind in modern eyes, before entering on some of their ventures. About 1840 Mr. John Scott Russell carried on, on behalf of the British Association, of which he was at that time one of its most distinguished members, an elaborate series of investigations into the form of least resistance in vessels. For this purpose he leased the Virginia House and grounds, a former residence of Rodger Stewart, a famous Greenock shipowner of the early part of the century, the house being used as offices, while in the grounds an experimental tank was erected. In it tests were made of the speed and resistance of the various forms which Mr. Russell's ingenuity evolved—notably those based on the well-known stream line theory—as possible types of the steam fleets of the future. All the data derived from experiment was tabulated, or shown graphically in the form of diagrams, which, doubtless, proved of great interest to the of the British Association of that day. Mr. Russell returned to London in 1844, and the investigations were discontinued. savants It will thus be seen that model experiments had been made by investigators long before the time of the late Dr. William Froude, of Torquay. It was not, however, until this gentleman took the subject of resistance of vessels in hand that designers were enabled to render the results from model trials accurately applicable to vessels of full size. This was principally due to his enunciation and verification by experiment of what is now known as the "law of comparison," or the law by which one is enabled to refer accurately the resistance of a model to one of larger size, or to that of a full sized vessel. In effect, the law is this—for vessels of the same proportional dimensions, or, as designers say, of the same lines, there are speeds appropriate to these vessels, which vary as the square roots of the ratio of their dimensions, and at these appropriate speeds the resistances will vary as the cubes of these dimensions. The fundament upon which the law is based has recently been shown to have found expression in the works of F. Reech, a distinguished French scientist who wrote early in the century. There are no valid grounds for supposing that the discovery of Reech was familiar to Froude; but even were this so, it is abundantly evident that, although never claimed by himself, there are the best of grounds for claiming the law of comparison, as now established, to be an independent discovery of Froude's. Dr. Froude began his investigations with ships' models at the experimental tank at Torquay about 1872, carrying it on uninterruptedly until his death in 1879. Since his decease, the work of investigation has been carried on by his son, Mr. R. E. Froude, who ably assisted his father, and originated much of the existing apparatus. At the beginning of 1886, the whole experimental appliances and effects were removed from Torquay to Haslar, near Portsmouth, where a large tank and more commodious offices have been constructed, with a view to entering more extensively upon the work of experimental investigation. The dimensions of the old tank were 280 ft. in length, 36 ft. in width, and 10 ft. in depth. The new one is about 400 ft. long, 20 ft. wide, and 9 ft. deep. The new establishment is more commodious and better equipped than the old, and although the experiments are taken over a greater length, the operators are enabled to turn out results with as great dispatch as in the Torquay tank. The adjacency of the new tank to the dockyard at Portsmouth enables the Admiralty authorities to make fuller and more frequent use of it than formerly. Since the value of the work carried on for the British government has become appreciated, several experimental establishments of a similar character have been instituted in other countries. The Dutch government in 1874 formed one at Amsterdam which, up till his death in 1883, was under the superintendence of Dr. Tideman, whose labors in this direction were second only to those of the late Dr. Froude. In 1877 the French naval authorities established an experimental tank in the dockyard at Brest, and the Italian government have just completed one on an elaborate scale in the naval dockyard at Spezia. The Spezia tank, which is 500 ft. in length by about 22 ft. in breadth, is fully equipped with all the special and highly ingenious instruments and appliances which the scientific skill of the late Dr. Froude brought into existence, and have been since his day improved upon by his son, Mr. R. E. Froude, and other experts. Through the courtesy of our own Admiralty and of Messrs. Denny, of Dumbarton, the Italians have been permitted to avail themselves of the latest improvements which experience has suggested, and the construction of the special machinery and apparatus required has been executed by firms in this country having previous experience in this connection—Messrs. Kelso & Co., of Commerce Street, Glasgow; and Mr. Robert W. Munro, of London. Having briefly traced the origin and development of the system of model experiment, it may now be of interest to describe the of such experiments, and explain the way in which they are made applicable to actual ships. The models with which experiments are made in those establishments conducted on the lines instituted by Mr. Froude are made of paraffin wax, a material well adapted for the purpose, being easily worked, impervious to water, and yielding a fine smooth surface. Moreover, when done with, the models may be remelted for further use and all parings utilized. They are produced in the following manner: A mould is formed in clay by means of cross sections made somewhat larger than is actually required, this allowance being made to admit of the cutting and paring afterward required to bring the model to the correct point. Into this mould a core is placed, consisting of a light wooden framework covered with calico and coated with a thick solution of clay to make it impervious to the melted paraffin. This latter substance is run into the space between the core and the mould and allowed to cool. This space, forming the thickness of the model, is usually from ¾ in. for a model of 10 ft. long to 1¼ in. and 1½ in. for one of 16 ft. and 18 ft. long. When cold, the model is floated out of the mould by water pressure and placed bottom upward on the bed of a shaping machine, an ingenious piece of mechanism devised by the late Dr. Froude, to aid in reducing the rough casting to the accurate form. The bed of this machine, which travels automatically while the machine is in operation, can be raised or lowered to any desired level by adjusting screws. A plan of water lines of the vessel to be modeled is placed on a tablet geared to the machine, the travel of which is a function of the travel of the bed containing the model. With a pointer, which is connected by a system of levers to the cutting tools, the operator traces out the water lines upon the plan as the machine and its bed are in motion, with the result that corresponding lines are cut upon the model. The cutting tools are swiftly revolving knives which work on vertical spindles moved in a lateral direction (brought near or removed from each other), according to the varying breadth of the water lines throughout the length of the model, as traced out by the operator's pointer. In this way a series of longitudinal incisions are made on the model at different levels corresponding to the water lines of the vessel. The model is now taken from the bed of the machine and the superfluous material or projection between the incisions is removed by means of a spokeshave or other sharp hand tool, and the whole surface brought to the correct form, and made fair and smooth. modus operandi To test accuracy of form, the weight of model is carefully taken, and the displacement at the intended trial draught accurately determined from the plan of lines. The difference between the weight of model and the displacement at the draught intended is then put into the bottom of the model in the form of small bags of shot, and by unique and very delicately constructed instruments for ascertaining the correct draught, the smallest error can at once be detected and allowed for. The models vary in size from about one-tenth to one-thirtieth of the size of the actual ship. A model of the largest size can be produced and its resistance determined at a number of speeds in about two days or so. The mode of procedure in arranging the model for the resistance experiment, after the model is afloat in the tank at the correct draught and trim, consists in attaching to it a skillfully devised dynamometric apparatus secured to a lightly constructed carriage. This carriage traverses a railway which extends the whole length of the tank about 15 in. or 18 in. above the water. The floating model is carefully guided in its passage through the water by a delicate device, keeping it from deviating either to the right or left, but at the same time allowing a free vertical and horizontal motion. The carriage with the model attached is propelled by means of an endless steel wire rope, passing at each end of the tank around a drum, driven by a small stationary engine, fitted with a very sensitive governor, capable of being so adjusted that any required speed may be given to the carriage and model. The resistance which the model encounters in its passage through the water is communicated to a spiral spring, and the extension this spring undergoes is a measure of the model's resistance. The amount of the extension is recorded on a revolving cylinder to a much enlarged scale through the medium of levers or bell cranks supported by steel knife edges resting on rocking pieces. On the same cylinder are registered "time" and "distance" diagrams, by means of which a correct measure of the speed is obtained. The time diagram is recorded by means of a clock attached to an electric circuit, making contact every half second, and actuating a pen which forms an indent in what would otherwise be a straight line on the paper. The distance pen, by a similar arrangement, traces another line on the cylinder in which are indents corresponding to fixed distances of travel along the tank, the indents being caused by small projections which strike a trigger at the bottom of the carriage as it passes, and make electric contact. From these time and distance diagrams accurate account can be taken of the speed at which the model and its supporting carriage have been driven. Thus on the same cylinder is recorded graphically the speed and resistance of the model. The carriage may be driven at any assigned speed by adjusting the governor of the driving engine already alluded to, but the record of the speed by means of the time and distance diagrams is more definite. When the resistances of the model have been obtained at several speeds, varying in some cases from 50 to 1,000 feet per minute, the speeds are set off in suitable units along a base line, and for every speed at which resistance is measured, the resistance is set off to scale as an ordinate value at those speeds. A line passing through these spots forms the "curve of resistance," from which the resistance experienced by the model at the given trial speeds or any intermediate speed can be ascertained. The resistance being known, the power required to overcome resistance and drive the actual ship at any given speed is easily deduced by applying the rule before described as the law of comparison.— The Steamship. About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Various (2006). Scientific American Supplement, No. 717, September 28, 1889. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/17755/pg17755-images.html This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at . www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html

EXPERIMENTAL AID IN THE DESIGN OF HIGH SPEED STEAMSHIPS

CRANK AND SCREW SHAFTS OF THE MERCANTILE MARINE

The Romance of Modern Mechanism by Archibald Williams is part of the HackerNoon Books Series. You can jump to any chapter in this book . CHAPTER XX here BOAT AND SHIP RAISING LIFTS In modern locomotion, whether by land or water, it becomes increasingly necessary to keep the way unobstructed where traffic is confined to the narrow limits of a pair of rails, a road, or a canal channel. We widen our roads; we double and quadruple our rails. Canals are, as a rule, not alterable except at immense cost; and if, in the first instance, they were not built broad enough for the work that they are afterwards called upon to do, much of their business must pass to rival methods of transportation. Modern canals, such as the Manchester and Kiel canals, were given generous proportions to start with, as their purpose was to pass ocean-going ships, and for many years it will not be necessary to enlarge them. The Suez Canal has been widened in recent years, by means of dredgers, which easily scoop out the sandy soil through which it runs and deposit it on the banks. But the Corinth Canal, cut through solid rock, cannot be thus economically expanded, and as a result it has proved a commercial failure. Even if a canal be of full capacity in its channel-way there are points at which its traffic is throttled. However gently the country it traverses may slope, there must occur at intervals the necessity of making a lock for transferring vessels from one level to the other. Sometimes the ascent or descent is effected by a series of steps, or flight of locks, on account of the magnitude of the fall; and in such cases the loss of time becomes a serious addition to the cost of transport. In several instances engineers have got over the difficulty by ingenious hydraulic lifts, which in a few minutes pass a boat through a perpendicular distance of many feet. At Anderton, where the Trent and Mersey Canal meets the Weaver Navigation, barges up to 100 tons displacement are raised fifty feet. Two troughs, each weighing with their contents 240 tons, are carried by two cast-iron rams placed under their centres, the cylinders of which are connected by piping. When both troughs are full the pressure on the rams is equal, and no movement results; but if six inches of water be transferred from the one to the other, the heavier at once forces up the lighter. At Fontinettes, on the Neufosse Canal, in France, at La Louvière, in Belgium, and at Peterborough, in Canada, similar installations are found; the last handling vessels of 400 tons through a rise of 65 feet. Fine engineering feats as these are, they do not equal the canal-lift on the Dortmund-Ems Canal, which puts Dortmund in direct water communication with the Elbe, and opens the coal and iron deposits of the Rhine and Upper Silesia to the busy manufacturing district lying between these two localities. About ten miles from its eastern extremity the main reach of the canal forks off at Heinrichenburg, from the northward branch running to Dortmund, its level being on the average some 49 feet lower than the branch. For the transference of boats an "up" and "down" line of four locks each would have been needed; and apart from the inevitable two hours' delay for locking, this method would have entailed the loss of a great quantity of precious water. Mr. R. Gerdau, a prominent engineer of Düsseldorf-Grafenburg, therefore suggested an hydraulic lift, which should accommodate boats of 700 tons, and pass them from the one level to the other in five minutes. In view of the immense weight which they have to carry, the piers under the screw-spindles are extremely solid. At its base each measures 14 feet by 12 feet 4 inches, and tapers upwards for 36 feet till these dimensions have contracted to 8 feet 10 inches by 6 feet 6 inches. The spindles, 80 feet long and 11 inches in diameter, must be four of the largest screws in existence. To make it absolutely certain that they contained no flaws, a 4-inch central hole was drilled through them longitudinally—another considerable workshop feat. If shafts of such length were left unsupported when the trough was at its highest point, there would be danger of their bending and breaking; and they are, therefore, provided with four sliding collars each, connected each to its fellow by a rod. When the trough has risen a fifth of its travel the first rod lifts the first collar, which moves in the guide-pillars. This in turn raises the second; the second the third; and so on. So that by the time the trough is fully raised each spindle is kept in line by four intermediate supports. An interlocking arrangement makes it impossible to open the trough or reach gates until the trough has settled or risen to the level of the water outside. On the other hand, the motor driving the lifting screws cannot be started until the gates have been closed, so that an accidental flooding of the countryside is amply provided against. A man now turns the crank of a winch on the canal bank and unlocks the canal gate. A second twist couples the gates between the canal and the trough together and starts the lifting-motors overhead, which raise the twenty-eight ton mass twenty-three feet clear of the water-level. The boat enters; the doors are lowered and uncoupled; the reach gate is locked. The spindle-motor now starts; up "she" goes, and the process of coupling and raising gates is repeated before she is released into the upper reach. From start to finish the transfer occupies about five minutes. If a boat is not self-propelled, electric capstans help it to enter and leave the trough. Such a vessel could not be passed through in less than twenty minutes. Putting on one side the ship dry docks, which can raise a 15,000 ton vessel clear of the sea, the Dortmund hydraulic lift is the largest lift in the world, and the novelty of its design will, it is hoped, render the above account acceptable to the reader. Before leaving the subject another canal lift may be noticed—that on the Grand Junction Canal at Foxton, Leicestershire—which has replaced a system of ten locks, to raise barges through a height of 75 feet. The new method is the invention of Messrs. G. and C. B. J. Thomas. In principle it consists of an inclined railway, having eight rails, four for the "up" and as many for the "down" traffic. On each set of four rails runs a tank mounted on eight wheels, which is connected with a similar tank on the other set by 7-inch steel-wire ropes passing round winding drums at the top of the incline. The tanks are thus balanced. At the foot of the incline a barge which has to ascend is floated into whichever tank may be ready to receive it, and the end gate is closed. An engine is then started, and the laden tank slides "broadside on" up the 300-foot slope. The summit being reached, the tank gates are brought into register with those of the upper reach, and as soon as they have been opened the boat floats out into the upper canal. Boats of 70 tons can be thus transferred in about twelve minutes, at a cost of but a few pence each. On a busy day 6,000 tons are handled. A SHIP-RAISING LIFT The writer has treated one form of lift for raising ships out of the water—the floating dry dock—elsewhere, so his remarks in this place will be confined to mechanism which, having its foundations on Mother Earth, heaves mighty vessels out of their proper element by the force of hydraulic pressure. Looking round for a good example of an hydraulic ship-lift, we select that of the Union Ironworks, San Francisco. [21] Some years ago the works were moved from the heart of the city to the edge of Mission Bay, with the object of carrying on a large business in marine engineering and shipbuilding. For such a purpose a dry dock, which in a short time will lift a vessel clear of the water for cleaning or repairs, is of great importance to both owners and workmen. By the courtesy of the proprietors of Cassier's Magazine we are allowed to append the following account of this interesting lift. The site available for a dock at the Union Ironworks was a mud-flat. The depth of soft mud being from 80 to 90 feet, would render the working of a graving dock ( one dug out of the ground and pumped dry when the entrance doors have been closed) very disagreeable; as such docks, where much mud is carried in with the water, require a long time to be cleaned and to dry out. Plans were therefore prepared by Mr. George W. Dickie for an hydraulic dock, including an automatic control, which the designer felt confident would meet all the requirements of the situation, and which, after careful consideration, the Union Ironworks decided to build. Work was begun in January, 1886, and the dock was opened for business on June 15th, 1887—a very fine record. i.e. This dock consists of a platform built of cross and longitudinal steel girders, 62 feet wide and 440 feet long, having keel blocks and sliding bilge blocks upon which the ship to be lifted rests. The lifting power is generated by a set of four steam-driven, single-acting horizontal plunger pumps, the diameter of the plungers being 312 inches and the stroke 36 inches. Forty strokes per minute is the regular speed. There is a weighted accumulator, or regulator, connected with the pumps, the throttle valve of the engines being controlled by the accumulator. The load on the accumulator consists of a number of flat discs of metal, the first one about 14 inches thick and the others about 4 inches thick, the diameter being about 4 feet. The first disc gives a pressure of 300 lbs. per square inch. This is sufficient to lift the dock platform without a ship, and is always kept on. [22] In lifting a ship, as she comes out of the water and gets heavier on the platform, additional discs are taken on by the accumulator ram as required. The discs are suspended by pins on the side catching into links of a chain. The engineer, to take on another disc, unhooks the throttle from the accumulator rod, runs the engine a little above the normal speed, the accumulator rises and takes the weight of the disc to be added; the link carrying that disc is thus relieved and is withdrawn. The engineer again hooks the accumulator rod to the engine throttle, and the whole is self-acting again until another weight is required. When all the discs are on the ram the full pressure of 1,100 lbs. per square inch is reached, which enables a ship of 4,000 tons weight to be raised. There are eighteen hydraulic rams on each side of the dock. These rams are each 30 inches in diameter and have a stroke of 16 feet; and as the platform rises 2 feet for 1 foot movement of the rams, the total vertical movement of the platform is 32 feet. When lowered to the lowest limit there are 22 feet of water over the keel blocks at high tide. The foundations consist of seventy-two cylinders of iron, which extend from the top girders to several feet below the mud line. These cylinders are driven full of piles, no pile being shorter than 90 feet. The cylinders are to protect the piles from the (the timber-boring worm), which is very destructive in San Francisco Harbour. A heavy cast-iron cap completes each of the foundation piers, and two heavy steel girders extend the full length of the dock on each side, resting on the foundation piers and uniting them all longitudinally. The hydraulic cylinders are carried by large castings resting on the girders, each having a central opening to receive a cylinder, which passes down between the piers. There are thirty-six foundation piers, and eighteen hydraulic cylinders on each side of the dock. teredo On the top of each hydraulic ram is a heavy sheave or pulley, 6 feet in diameter, over which pass eight steel cables, 2 inches in diameter, making in all 288 cables. One end of each cable is anchored in the bed-plates supporting the hydraulic cylinders, while the other end is secured to the side girders of the platform. Each of the cables has been tested with a load of 80 tons, so that the total test load for the ropes has been 21,000 tons. In lifting a ship the load is never evenly distributed on the platform. There is, in fact, often more than one ship on the platform at once. Some rams, therefore, may have a full load and others much less. Under these conditions, to keep the platform a true plane, irrespective of the irregular distribution of the load, Mr. Dickie designed a special valve gear to make the action of the dock perfectly automatic. Down each side of the dock a shaft is carried, operated by a special engine in the power house. At each hydraulic ram this shaft carries a worm, gearing with a worm-wheel on a vertical screw extending the full height reached by the stroke of the ram. This screw works in a nut on the end of a lever, the other end of which is attached to the ram. Between the two points of support a rod, working the valves—also carried by the ram—engages with the lever. If at a given moment the screw-end is raised, say, six inches, the lever opens the valve. As the ram rises, the lever, having its other end similarly lifted by the rise, gradually assumes a horizontal position, and the valve closes. To lift the dock the engine working the valve shaft is started, and with it the operating screws. These, through the levers, open the inlet valves. The rams now begin to move up: if any one has a light load it will move up ahead of the other, but in doing so it lifts the other end of the lever and closes the valve. In fact, the screws are continually opening the valves, while the motion of the rams is continually closing them, so that no ram can move ahead of its screw, and the speed of the screw determines the rate of movement of the lifting platform. To lower the dock, the engine operating the valve shaft is reversed, and the screws and levers then control the outlet valves as they controlled the inlet valves in raising. When the platform has reached the limit of its movement, a line of locks on top of the foundation girders, thirty-six on each side, are pushed under the platform by an hydraulic cylinder, and the platform is lowered on to them, where it rests until the work is done on the ship; then the platform is again lifted, the locks are drawn back, and the platform with its load is lowered until the ship floats out. All the operations are automatic. Since the dock was opened well over a thousand ships have been lifted in it without any accident whatever; the total register tonnage approaching 2,000,000. The great favour in which the dock is held by shipowners and captains is partly due to the fact already mentioned, that the ship is lifted above the level of tide water, where the air can circulate freely under the bottom, thus quickly taking up all the moisture, and where the workmen can carry on operations with greater comfort. When extensive repairs have to be undertaken on iron or steel vessels, the fact that this dock forms part of an extensive shipbuilding plant, and is located right in the yard, enables such repairs to be executed with despatch and economy. Several large steamships have had the under-water portions of their hulls practically rebuilt in this dock. The steamship , of the Oregon Line, had practically a new bottom, including the whole of the keel, completed in twenty-six days. This is possible, because every facility is alongside the dock and the bottom of the vessel is on a level with the yard. Columbia This being the only hydraulic dock controlled automatically (in 1897), it has attracted a large amount of attention from engineering experts in this class of work. English, French, German, and Russian engineers have visited the Union Iron Works to study its working, and their reports have done much to bring the facilities offered to shipping for repairs by the Union Iron Works to the notice of shipowners all the world over. FOOTNOTES: 21. The Romance of Modern Engineering, pp. 383 foll. 22. For explanation of the "accumulator," see the chapter on Hydraulic Tools (p. 81). About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Archibald Williams (2014). The Romance of Modern Mechanism. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/46094/pg46094-images.html. This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at . www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html

BOAT AND SHIP RAISING LIFTS

A Floating City and The Blockade Runners by Jules Verne, is part of the HackerNoon Books Series. You can jump to any chapter in this book . The “Dolphin.” here THE “DOLPHIN.” The Clyde was the first river whose waters were lashed into foam by a steam-boat. It was in 1812, when the steamer called the “Comet” ran between Glasgow and Greenock, at the speed of six miles an hour. Since that time more than a million of steamers or packet-boats have plied this Scotch river, and the inhabitants of Glasgow must be as familiar as any people with the wonders of steam navigation. However, on the 3rd of December, 1862, an immense crowd, composed of ship-owners, merchants, manufacturers, workmen, sailors, women, and children, thronged the muddy streets of Glasgow, all going in the direction of Kelvin Dock, the large ship-building premises belonging to Messrs. Tod and Mac Gregor. This last name especially proves that the descendants of the famous Highlanders have become manufacturers, and that they have made workmen of all the vassals of the old clan chieftains. Kelvin Dock is situated a few minutes’ walk from the town, on the right bank of the Clyde. Soon the immense timber-yards were thronged with spectators; not a part of the quay, not a wall of the wharf, not a factory roof, showed an unoccupied place; the river itself was covered with craft of all descriptions, and the heights of Govan, on the left bank, swarmed with spectators. There was, however, nothing extraordinary in the event about to take place; it was nothing but the launching of a ship, and this was an every-day affair with the people of Glasgow. Had the “Dolphin,” then—for that was the name of the ship built by Messrs. Tod and Mac Gregor—some special peculiarity? To tell the truth it had none. It was a large ship, about 1500 tons, in which everything combined to obtain superior speed. Her engines, of 500 horse-power, were from the workshops of Lancefield Forge; they worked two screws, one on either side the stern-post, completely independent of each other. As for the depth of water the “Dolphin” would draw, it must be very inconsiderable; connoisseurs were not deceived, and they concluded rightly that this ship was destined for shallow straits. But all these particulars could not in any way justify the eagerness of the people: taken altogether the “Dolphin” was nothing more or less than an ordinary ship. Would her launching present some mechanical difficulty to be overcome? Not any more than usual. The Clyde had received many a ship of heavier tonnage, and the launching of the “Dolphin” would take place in the usual manner. In fact, when the water was calm, the moment the ebb-tide set in, the workmen began to operate. Their mallets kept perfect time falling on the wedges meant to raise the ship’s keel: soon a shudder ran through the whole of her massive structure; although she had only been slightly raised, one could see that she shook, and then gradually began to glide down the well-greased wedges, and in a few moments she plunged into the Clyde. Her stern struck the muddy bed of the river, then she raised herself on the top of a gigantic wave, and, carried forward by her start, would have been dashed against the quay of the Govan timber-yards, if her anchors had not restrained her. The launch had been perfectly successful, the “Dolphin” swayed quietly on the waters of the Clyde, all the spectators clapped their hands when she took possession of her natural element, and loud hurrahs arose from either bank. But wherefore these cries and this applause? Undoubtedly the most eager of the spectators would have been at a loss to explain the reason of his enthusiasm. What was the cause, then, of the lively interest excited by this ship? Simply the mystery which shrouded her destination; it was not known to what kind of commerce she was to be appropriated, and in questioning different groups the diversity of opinion on this important subject was indeed astonishing. However, the best informed, at least those who pretended to be so, agreed in saying that the steamer was going to take part in the terrible war which was then ravaging the United States of America, but more than this they did not know, and whether the “Dolphin” was a privateer, a transport ship, or an addition to the Federal marine, was what no one could tell. “Hurrah!” cried one, affirming that the “Dolphin” had been built for the Southern States. “Hip! hip! hip!” cried another, swearing that never had a faster boat crossed to the American coasts. Thus its destination was unknown, and in order to obtain any reliable information one must be an intimate friend, or, at any rate, an acquaintance of Vincent Playfair and Co., of Glasgow. A rich, powerful, intelligent house of business was that of Vincent Playfair and Co., in a social sense, an old and honourable family, descended from those tobacco lords who built the finest quarters of the town. These clever merchants, by an act of the Union, had founded the first Glasgow warehouse for dealing in tobacco from Virginia and Maryland. Immense fortunes were realized; mills and foundries sprang up in all parts, and in a few years the prosperity of the city attained its height. The house of Playfair remained faithful to the enterprising spirit of its ancestors, it entered into the most daring schemes, and maintained the honour of English commerce. The principal, Vincent Playfair, a man of fifty, with a temperament essentially practical and decided, although somewhat daring, was a genuine shipowner. Nothing affected him beyond commercial questions, not even the political side of the transactions, otherwise he was a perfectly loyal and honest man. However, he could not lay claim to the idea of building and fitting up the “Dolphin;” she belonged to his nephew, James Playfair, a fine young man of thirty, the boldest skipper of the British merchant marine. It was one day at the Tontine coffee-room under the arcades of the Town-hall, that James Playfair, after having impatiently scanned the American journal, disclosed to his uncle an adventurous scheme. “Uncle Vincent,” said he, coming to the point at once, “there are two millions of pounds to be gained in less than a month.” “And what to risk?” asked Uncle Vincent. “A ship and a cargo.” “Nothing else?” “Nothing, except the crew and the captain, and that does not reckon for much.” “Let us see,” said Uncle Vincent. “It is all seen,” replied James Playfair. “You have read the , the , the , the , the ?” Tribune New York Herald Times Richmond Inquirer American Review “Scores of times, nephew.” “You believe, like me, that the war of the United States will last a long time still?” “A very long time.” “You know how much this struggle will affect the interests of England, and especially those of Glasgow?” “And more especially still the house of Playfair and Co.,” replied Uncle Vincent. “Theirs especially,” added the young Captain. “I worry myself about it every day, James, and I cannot think without terror of the commercial disasters which this war may produce; not but that the house of Playfair is firmly established, nephew; at the same time it has correspondents which may fail. Ah! those Americans, slave-holders or abolitionists, I have no faith in them!” If Vincent Playfair was wrong in thus speaking with respect to the great principles of humanity, always and everywhere superior to personal interests, he was, nevertheless, right in a commercial point of view. The most important material was failing at Glasgow, the cotton famine became every day more threatening, thousands of workmen were reduced to live upon public charity. Glasgow possessed 25,000 looms, by which 625,000 yards of cotton were spun daily; that is to say, fifty millions of pounds yearly. From these numbers it may be guessed what disturbances were caused in the commercial part of the town, when the raw material failed altogether. Failures were hourly taking place, the manufactories were closed, and the workmen were dying of starvation. It was the sight of this great misery which had put the idea of his bold enterprise into James Playfair’s head. “I will go for cotton, and will get it, cost what it may.” But as he also was a merchant as well as his uncle Vincent, he resolved to carry out his plan by way of exchange, and to make his proposition under the guise of a commercial enterprise. “Uncle Vincent,” said he, “this is my idea.” “Well, James?” “It is simply this; we will have a ship built of superior sailing qualities and great bulk.” “That is quite possible.” “We will load her with ammunition of war, provisions, and clothes.” “Just so.” “I will take the command of this steamer, I will defy all the ships of the Federal marine for speed, and I will run the blockade of one of the southern ports.” “You must make a good bargain for your cargo with the Confederates, who will be in need of it,” said his uncle. “And I shall return laden with cotton.” “Which they will give you for nothing.” “As you say, uncle. Will it answer?” “It will; but shall you be able to get there?” “I shall, if I have a good ship.” “One can be made on purpose. But the crew?” “Oh, I will find them. I do not want many men; enough to work with, that is all. It is not a question of fighting with the Federals, but distancing them.” “They shall be distanced,” said uncle Vincent, in a peremptory tone; “but now, tell me, James, to what port of the American coast do you think of going?” “Up to now, uncle, ships have run the blockade of New Orleans, Wilmington, and Savannah, but I think of going straight to Charleston; no English boat has yet been able to penetrate into the harbour, except the ‘Bermuda.’ I will do like her, and if my ship draws but very little water, I shall be able to go where the Federalists will not be able to follow.” “The fact is,” said Uncle Vincent, “Charleston is overwhelmed with cotton; they are even burning it to get rid of it.” “Yes,” replied James; “besides, the town is almost invested, Beauregard is running short of provisions, and he will pay me a golden price for my cargo!” “Well, nephew! and when will you start?” “In six months; I must have the long winter nights to aid me.” “It shall be as you wish, nephew.” “It is settled, then, uncle?” “Settled!” “Shall it be kept quiet?” “Yes; better so.” And this is how it was that five months later the steamer “Dolphin” was launched from the Kelvin Dock timber-yards, and no one knew her real destination. About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Jules Verne (2022). A Floating City and The Blockade Runners. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved October 2022 https://www.gutenberg.org/files/67829/67829-h/67829-h.htm This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at . www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html

The “Dolphin.”

MODERN PROPHECIES

SERFS, SLAVES, SOCIAL CLASSES, AND FREE INDIVIDUALS

THE MIDDLE-CLASS MAN, THE BUSINESS MAN, AND SOCIALISM

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The Wimblehurst Apprenticeship

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 72 - Madame de Saint-Méran

The Count of Monte Cristo,by Alexandre Dumas, père is part of HackerNoon’s Book Blog Post series. You can jump to any chapter in this book here: . Volume Three, Chapter 70: The Ball [LINK TO TABLE OF LINK] Chapter 70. The Ball It was in the warmest days of July, when in due course of time the Saturday arrived upon which the ball was to take place at M. de Morcerf’s. It was ten o’clock at night; the branches of the great trees in the garden of the count’s house stood out boldly against the azure canopy of heaven, which was studded with golden stars, but where the last fleeting clouds of a vanishing storm yet lingered. From the apartments on the ground floor might be heard the sound of music, with the whirl of the waltz and galop, while brilliant streams of light shone through the openings of the Venetian blinds. At this moment the garden was only occupied by about ten servants, who had just received orders from their mistress to prepare the supper, the serenity of the weather continuing to increase. Until now, it had been undecided whether the supper should take place in the dining-room, or under a long tent erected on the lawn, but the beautiful blue sky, studded with stars, had settled the question in favor of the lawn. The gardens were illuminated with colored lanterns, according to the Italian custom, and, as is usual in countries where the luxuries of the table—the rarest of all luxuries in their complete form—are well understood, the supper-table was loaded with wax-lights and flowers. At the time the Countess of Morcerf returned to the rooms, after giving her orders, many guests were arriving, more attracted by the charming hospitality of the countess than by the distinguished position of the count; for, owing to the good taste of Mercédès, one was sure of finding some devices at her entertainment worthy of describing, or even copying in case of need. Madame Danglars, in whom the events we have related had caused deep anxiety, had hesitated about going to Madame de Morcerf’s, when during the morning her carriage happened to meet that of Villefort. The latter made a sign, and when the carriages had drawn close together, said: “You are going to Madame de Morcerf’s, are you not?” “No,” replied Madame Danglars, “I am too ill.” “You are wrong,” replied Villefort, significantly; “it is important that you should be seen there.” “Do you think so?” asked the baroness. “I do.” “In that case I will go.” And the two carriages passed on towards their different destinations. Madame Danglars therefore came, not only beautiful in person, but radiant with splendor; she entered by one door at the time when Mercédès appeared at the door. The countess took Albert to meet Madame Danglars. He approached, paid her some well merited compliments on her toilet, and offered his arm to conduct her to a seat. Albert looked around him. “You are looking for my daughter?” said the baroness, smiling. “I confess it,” replied Albert. “Could you have been so cruel as not to bring her?” “Calm yourself. She has met Mademoiselle de Villefort, and has taken her arm; see, they are following us, both in white dresses, one with a bouquet of camellias, the other with one of myosotis. But tell me——” “Well, what do you wish to know?” “Will not the Count of Monte Cristo be here tonight?” “Seventeen!” replied Albert. “What do you mean?” “I only mean that the count seems the rage,” replied the viscount, smiling, “and that you are the seventeenth person that has asked me the same question. The count is in fashion; I congratulate him upon it.” “And have you replied to everyone as you have to me?” “Ah, to be sure, I have not answered you; be satisfied, we shall have this ‘lion’; we are among the privileged ones.” “Were you at the Opera yesterday?” “No.” “He was there.” “Ah, indeed? And did the eccentric person commit any new originality?” “Can he be seen without doing so? Elssler was dancing in Le Diable boiteux; the Greek princess was in ecstasies. After the cachucha he placed a magnificent ring on the stem of a bouquet, and threw it to the charming danseuse, who, in the third act, to do honor to the gift, reappeared with it on her finger. And the Greek princess,—will she be here?” “No, you will be deprived of that pleasure; her position in the count’s establishment is not sufficiently understood.” “Wait; leave me here, and go and speak to Madame de Villefort, who is trying to attract your attention.” Albert bowed to Madame Danglars, and advanced towards Madame de Villefort, whose lips opened as he approached. “I wager anything,” said Albert, interrupting her, “that I know what you were about to say.” “Well, what is it?” “If I guess rightly, will you confess it?” “Yes.” “On your honor?” “On my honor.” “You were going to ask me if the Count of Monte Cristo had arrived, or was expected.” “Not at all. It is not of him that I am now thinking. I was going to ask you if you had received any news of Monsieur Franz.” “Yes,—yesterday.” “What did he tell you?” “That he was leaving at the same time as his letter.” “Well, now then, the count?” “The count will come, of that you may be satisfied.” “You know that he has another name besides Monte Cristo?” “No, I did not know it.” “Monte Cristo is the name of an island, and he has a family name.” “I never heard it.” “Well, then, I am better informed than you; his name is Zaccone.” “It is possible.” “He is a Maltese.” “That is also possible. “The son of a shipowner.” “Really, you should relate all this aloud, you would have the greatest success.” “He served in India, discovered a mine in Thessaly, and comes to Paris to establish a mineral water-cure at Auteuil.” “Well, I’m sure,” said Morcerf, “this is indeed news! Am I allowed to repeat it?” “Yes, but cautiously, tell one thing at a time, and do not say I told you.” “Why so?” “Because it is a secret just discovered.” “By whom?” “The police.” “Then the news originated——” “At the prefect’s last night. Paris, you can understand, is astonished at the sight of such unusual splendor, and the police have made inquiries.” “Well, well! Nothing more is wanting than to arrest the count as a vagabond, on the pretext of his being too rich.” “Indeed, that doubtless would have happened if his credentials had not been so favorable.” “Poor count! And is he aware of the danger he has been in?” “I think not.” “Then it will be but charitable to inform him. When he arrives, I will not fail to do so.” Just then, a handsome young man, with bright eyes, black hair, and glossy moustache, respectfully bowed to Madame de Villefort. Albert extended his hand. “Madame,” said Albert, “allow me to present to you M. Maximilian Morrel, captain of Spahis, one of our best, and, above all, of our bravest officers.” “I have already had the pleasure of meeting this gentleman at Auteuil, at the house of the Count of Monte Cristo,” replied Madame de Villefort, turning away with marked coldness of manner. This answer, and especially the tone in which it was uttered, chilled the heart of poor Morrel. But a recompense was in store for him; turning around, he saw near the door a beautiful fair face, whose large blue eyes were, without any marked expression, fixed upon him, while the bouquet of myosotis was gently raised to her lips. The salutation was so well understood that Morrel, with the same expression in his eyes, placed his handkerchief to his mouth; and these two living statues, whose hearts beat so violently under their marble aspect, separated from each other by the whole length of the room, forgot themselves for a moment, or rather forgot the world in their mutual contemplation. They might have remained much longer lost in one another, without anyone noticing their abstraction. The Count of Monte Cristo had just entered. We have already said that there was something in the count which attracted universal attention wherever he appeared. It was not the coat, unexceptional in its cut, though simple and unornamented; it was not the plain white waistcoat; it was not the trousers, that displayed the foot so perfectly formed—it was none of these things that attracted the attention,—it was his pale complexion, his waving black hair, his calm and serene expression, his dark and melancholy eye, his mouth, chiselled with such marvellous delicacy, which so easily expressed such high disdain,—these were what fixed the attention of all upon him. Many men might have been handsomer, but certainly there could be none whose appearance was more significant, if the expression may be used. Everything about the count seemed to have its meaning, for the constant habit of thought which he had acquired had given an ease and vigor to the expression of his face, and even to the most trifling gesture, scarcely to be understood. Yet the Parisian world is so strange, that even all this might not have won attention had there not been connected with it a mysterious story gilded by an immense fortune. Meanwhile he advanced through the assemblage of guests under a battery of curious glances towards Madame de Morcerf, who, standing before a mantle-piece ornamented with flowers, had seen his entrance in a looking-glass placed opposite the door, and was prepared to receive him. She turned towards him with a serene smile just at the moment he was bowing to her. No doubt she fancied the count would speak to her, while on his side the count thought she was about to address him; but both remained silent, and after a mere bow, Monte Cristo directed his steps to Albert, who received him cordially. “Have you seen my mother?” asked Albert. “I have just had the pleasure,” replied the count; “but I have not seen your father.” “See, he is down there, talking politics with that little group of great geniuses.” “Indeed?” said Monte Cristo; “and so those gentlemen down there are men of great talent. I should not have guessed it. And for what kind of talent are they celebrated? You know there are different sorts.” “That tall, harsh-looking man is very learned, he discovered, in the neighborhood of Rome, a kind of lizard with a vertebra more than lizards usually have, and he immediately laid his discovery before the Institute. The thing was discussed for a long time, but finally decided in his favor. I can assure you the vertebra made a great noise in the learned world, and the gentleman, who was only a knight of the Legion of Honor, was made an officer.” “Come,” said Monte Cristo, “this cross seems to me to be wisely awarded. I suppose, had he found another additional vertebra, they would have made him a commander.” “Very likely,” said Albert. “And who can that person be who has taken it into his head to wrap himself up in a blue coat embroidered with green?” “Oh, that coat is not his own idea; it is the Republic’s, which deputed David to devise a uniform for the Academicians.” [12] “Indeed?” said Monte Cristo; “so this gentleman is an Academician?” “Within the last week he has been made one of the learned assembly.” “And what is his especial talent?” “His talent? I believe he thrusts pins through the heads of rabbits, he makes fowls eat madder, and punches the spinal marrow out of dogs with whalebone.” “And he is made a member of the Academy of Sciences for this?” “No; of the French Academy.” “But what has the French Academy to do with all this?” “I was going to tell you. It seems——” “That his experiments have very considerably advanced the cause of science, doubtless?” “No; that his style of writing is very good.” “This must be very flattering to the feelings of the rabbits into whose heads he has thrust pins, to the fowls whose bones he has dyed red, and to the dogs whose spinal marrow he has punched out?” Albert laughed. “And the other one?” demanded the count. “That one?” “Yes, the third.” “The one in the dark blue coat?” “Yes.” “He is a colleague of the count, and one of the most active opponents to the idea of providing the Chamber of Peers with a uniform. He was very successful upon that question. He stood badly with the Liberal papers, but his noble opposition to the wishes of the court is now getting him into favor with the journalists. They talk of making him an ambassador.” “And what are his claims to the peerage?” “He has composed two or three comic operas, written four or five articles in the Siècle, and voted five or six years on the ministerial side.” “Bravo, viscount,” said Monte Cristo, smiling; “you are a delightful cicerone. And now you will do me a favor, will you not?” “What is it?” “Do not introduce me to any of these gentlemen; and should they wish it, you will warn me.” Just then the count felt his arm pressed. He turned round; it was Danglars. “Ah! is it you, baron?” said he. “Why do you call me baron?” said Danglars; “you know that I care nothing for my title. I am not like you, viscount; you like your title, do you not?” “Certainly,” replied Albert, “seeing that without my title I should be nothing; while you, sacrificing the baron, would still remain the millionaire.” “Which seems to me the finest title under the royalty of July,” replied Danglars. “Unfortunately,” said Monte Cristo, “one’s title to a millionaire does not last for life, like that of baron, peer of France, or academician; for example, the millionaires Franck & Poulmann, of Frankfurt, who have just become bankrupts.” “Indeed?” said Danglars, becoming pale. “Yes; I received the news this evening by a courier. I had about a million in their hands, but, warned in time, I withdrew it a month ago.” “Ah, mon Dieu!” exclaimed Danglars, “they have drawn on me for 200,000 francs!” “Well, you can throw out the draft; their signature is worth five per cent.” “Yes, but it is too late,” said Danglars, “I have honored their bills.” “Then,” said Monte Cristo, “here are 200,000 francs gone after——” “Hush, do not mention these things,” said Danglars; then, approaching Monte Cristo, he added, “especially before young M. Cavalcanti;” after which he smiled, and turned towards the young man in question. Albert had left the count to speak to his mother, Danglars to converse with young Cavalcanti; Monte Cristo was for an instant alone. Meanwhile the heat became excessive. The footmen were hastening through the rooms with waiters loaded with ices. Monte Cristo wiped the perspiration from his forehead, but drew back when the waiter was presented to him; he took no refreshment. Madame de Morcerf did not lose sight of Monte Cristo; she saw that he took nothing, and even noticed his gesture of refusal. “Albert,” she asked, “did you notice that?” “What, mother?” “That the count has never been willing to partake of food under the roof of M. de Morcerf.” “Yes; but then he breakfasted with me—indeed, he made his first appearance in the world on that occasion.” “But your house is not M. de Morcerf’s,” murmured Mercédès; “and since he has been here I have watched him.” “Well?” “Well, he has taken nothing yet.” “The count is very temperate.” Mercédès smiled sadly. “Approach him,” said she, “and when the next waiter passes, insist upon his taking something.” “But why, mother?” “Just to please me, Albert,” said Mercédès. Albert kissed his mother’s hand, and drew near the count. Another salver passed, loaded like the preceding ones; she saw Albert attempt to persuade the count, but he obstinately refused. Albert rejoined his mother; she was very pale. “Well,” said she, “you see he refuses?” “Yes; but why need this annoy you?” “You know, Albert, women are singular creatures. I should like to have seen the count take something in my house, if only an ice. Perhaps he cannot reconcile himself to the French style of living, and might prefer something else.” “Oh, no; I have seen him eat of everything in Italy; no doubt he does not feel inclined this evening.” “And besides,” said the countess, “accustomed as he is to burning climates, possibly he does not feel the heat as we do.” “I do not think that, for he has complained of feeling almost suffocated, and asked why the Venetian blinds were not opened as well as the windows.” “In a word,” said Mercédès, “it was a way of assuring me that his abstinence was intended.” And she left the room. A minute afterwards the blinds were thrown open, and through the jessamine and clematis that overhung the window one could see the garden ornamented with lanterns, and the supper laid under the tent. Dancers, players, talkers, all uttered an exclamation of joy—everyone inhaled with delight the breeze that floated in. At the same time Mercédès reappeared, paler than before, but with that imperturbable expression of countenance which she sometimes wore. She went straight to the group of which her husband formed the centre. “Do not detain those gentlemen here, count,” she said; “they would prefer, I should think, to breathe in the garden rather than suffocate here, since they are not playing.” “Ah,” said a gallant old general, who, in 1809, had sung Partant pour la Syrie,—“we will not go alone to the garden.” “Then,” said Mercédès, “I will lead the way.” Turning towards Monte Cristo, she added, “count, will you oblige me with your arm?” The count almost staggered at these simple words; then he fixed his eyes on Mercédès. It was only a momentary glance, but it seemed to the countess to have lasted for a century, so much was expressed in that one look. He offered his arm to the countess; she took it, or rather just touched it with her little hand, and they together descended the steps, lined with rhododendrons and camellias. Behind them, by another outlet, a group of about twenty persons rushed into the garden with loud exclamations of delight. About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved April 2022, from Dumas, Alexandre. 2022. The Count of the Monte-Cristo. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1184/1184-h/1184-h.htm#linkC2HCH0070 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at . www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 70 - The Ball

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 51 - Pyramus and Thisbe

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 30 - The Fifth of September

Anyone who has ever coded before understands that programming involves far more searching and reading than actual coding. I suspect that programmers generally spend of their time online in search of answers, and only of their time on an IDE hammering out code. In fact, a revealed that ‘incomplete and confusing documentation’ is by far, the most encountered problem. 80% 20% GitHub survey What I find interesting is that programmers don't really talk about this pain point because we think that searching is an inherent part of coding. Most of us have become used to this 80/20 distribution of time and energy between searching/coding, and have accepted that this is just how things work. I've long pondered about this , and I believe the root cause stems from the embarrassing state of online technical documentation. In this article, I want to share 5 common problems with technical resources that slow and tire us down. 80/20 phenomenon Common problems with online technical resources Bloated content Have you noticed that websites have become increasingly bloated overall in recent years? In the world of SEO (search engine optimization), it is a well-known fact that longer content ranks better on Google. SEO gurus dogmatically encourage content creators to write at least 500 words and embed an image regardless of the topic. Of course, some topics do warrant a high word count and images, but let's be real - the obsession with word count and images has exponentially increased the amount of bloat of online resources 📈. This explains why many articles begin with a lengthy backstory of the author or add fluff that doesn't add any value to the readers. The information you're after is usually buried down the page somewhere in the sea of irrelevant content, and it's your job to fish it out. Here's the real kicker - the fact that you spent so much time on the page sends a that the page has insightful content that also deserves to be read by others. By gaming the system, bloated pages now sadly dominate the search results. misleading signal to Google Lack of simple examples The problem with many technical resources is that information is too dense and they don't supplement with minimal examples. This is unfortunate because we typically want to see simple examples demonstrating the usage of a method for example, rather than reading long descriptions of what the method does. Even if examples are given, they are often unnecessarily complex and only add to the confusion. I've encountered tutorials where the author imports a dataset with a million rows to explain a simple method when he could have just used a dummy dataset with a few rows 🤷. I believe part of the problem is that technical resources are written by experts who are obviously very familiar with the topic and written for users who have just started. Since there is a substantial knowledge gap between the writer and the reader, the writer often assumes too much from the reader and omits simple examples. Rarely improved Most technical resources are published with passion (or by obligation), and soon thereafter forgotten. User feedback isn't incorporated to add polish to the resources. Documentation should be an iterative process of constant refinement, but this is rarely the case. UI and UX problems Most technical resources are published without much regard for their look and feel, and this ends up adding stress to the readers. I am personally against: showing pop-ups polluting 50% of the page estate with ads - especially video ads have code snippets in mono-color written with Times New Roman. Confusing on-site navigation Programmers are known for preferring the keyboard over the mouse for efficiency gains, but the primary means of finding information on most websites is via clicking. Search is only implemented as an after-thought and oftentimes returns irrelevant results. Building a platform to host great technical resources As a strong advocate of clean online resources, I've set out on a journey with a few of my friends to create , a free educational platform that hosts 1900+ docs, recipes, and guides about data science and machine learning. We address all the issues raised above by building SkyTowner based on the following pillars: SkyTowner . The articles are and will forever be free. Completely free . We cut to the chase and directly respond to the question in the first line. No more needless bloat. Bite-sized articles . Expect to find minimal examples followed up with a clear explanation. Minimal and simple examples . We routinely revisit our published articles and refine them with reader feedback. Active maintenance . We took the time to really polish up the look and feel of the platform to ensure you have a pleasant experience. Great UI and UX . The primary mode of navigation searches. Our blazing fast search engine returns relevant bite-sized articles - all without any clicks or page transitions. Powerful Search Closing thoughts Do you agree that many online technical resources suffer from the five problems raised in the article? Were there other problems that I missed? I'd love to hear your thoughts! Also published . here

Online Technical Documentation Is Almost Dead

The Count of Monte Cristo,by Alexandre Dumas, père is part of HackerNoon’s Book Blog Post series. You can jump to any chapter in this book here: . Volume One, Chapter 13: The Hundred Days [LINK TO TABLE OF LINK] Chapter 13. The Hundred Days M. Noirtier was a true prophet, and things progressed rapidly, as he had predicted. Everyone knows the history of the famous return from Elba, a return which was unprecedented in the past, and will probably remain without a counterpart in the future. Louis XVIII. made but a faint attempt to parry this unexpected blow; the monarchy he had scarcely reconstructed tottered on its precarious foundation, and at a sign from the emperor the incongruous structure of ancient prejudices and new ideas fell to the ground. Villefort, therefore, gained nothing save the king’s gratitude (which was rather likely to injure him at the present time) and the cross of the Legion of Honor, which he had the prudence not to wear, although M. de Blacas had duly forwarded the brevet. Napoleon would, doubtless, have deprived Villefort of his office had it not been for Noirtier, who was all powerful at court, and thus the Girondin of ’93 and the Senator of 1806 protected him who so lately had been his protector. All Villefort’s influence barely enabled him to stifle the secret Dantès had so nearly divulged. The king’s procureur alone was deprived of his office, being suspected of royalism. However, scarcely was the imperial power established—that is, scarcely had the emperor re-entered the Tuileries and begun to issue orders from the closet into which we have introduced our readers,—he found on the table there Louis XVIII.’s half-filled snuff-box,—scarcely had this occurred when Marseilles began, in spite of the authorities, to rekindle the flames of civil war, always smouldering in the south, and it required but little to excite the populace to acts of far greater violence than the shouts and insults with which they assailed the royalists whenever they ventured abroad. Owing to this change, the worthy shipowner became at that moment—we will not say all powerful, because Morrel was a prudent and rather a timid man, so much so, that many of the most zealous partisans of Bonaparte accused him of “moderation”—but sufficiently influential to make a demand in favor of Dantès. Villefort retained his place, but his marriage was put off until a more favorable opportunity. If the emperor remained on the throne, Gérard required a different alliance to aid his career; if Louis XVIII. returned, the influence of M. de Saint-Méran, like his own, could be vastly increased, and the marriage be still more suitable. The deputy procureur was, therefore, the first magistrate of Marseilles, when one morning his door opened, and M. Morrel was announced. Anyone else would have hastened to receive him; but Villefort was a man of ability, and he knew this would be a sign of weakness. He made Morrel wait in the antechamber, although he had no one with him, for the simple reason that the king’s procureur always makes everyone wait, and after passing a quarter of an hour in reading the papers, he ordered M. Morrel to be admitted. Morrel expected Villefort would be dejected; he found him as he had found him six weeks before, calm, firm, and full of that glacial politeness, that most insurmountable barrier which separates the well-bred from the vulgar man. He had entered Villefort’s office expecting that the magistrate would tremble at the sight of him; on the contrary, he felt a cold shudder all over him when he saw Villefort sitting there with his elbow on his desk, and his head leaning on his hand. He stopped at the door; Villefort gazed at him as if he had some difficulty in recognizing him; then, after a brief interval, during which the honest shipowner turned his hat in his hands, “M. Morrel, I believe?” said Villefort. “Yes, sir.” “Come nearer,” said the magistrate, with a patronizing wave of the hand, “and tell me to what circumstance I owe the honor of this visit.” “Do you not guess, monsieur?” asked Morrel. “Not in the least; but if I can serve you in any way I shall be delighted.” “Everything depends on you.” “Explain yourself, pray.” “Monsieur,” said Morrel, recovering his assurance as he proceeded, “do you recollect that a few days before the landing of his majesty the emperor, I came to intercede for a young man, the mate of my ship, who was accused of being concerned in correspondence with the Island of Elba? What was the other day a crime is today a title to favor. You then served Louis XVIII., and you did not show any favor—it was your duty; today you serve Napoleon, and you ought to protect him—it is equally your duty; I come, therefore, to ask what has become of him?” Villefort by a strong effort sought to control himself. “What is his name?” said he. “Tell me his name.” “Edmond Dantès.” Villefort would probably have rather stood opposite the muzzle of a pistol at five-and-twenty paces than have heard this name spoken; but he did not blanch. “Dantès,” repeated he, “Edmond Dantès.” “Yes, monsieur.” Villefort opened a large register, then went to a table, from the table turned to his registers, and then, turning to Morrel, “Are you quite sure you are not mistaken, monsieur?” said he, in the most natural tone in the world. Had Morrel been a more quick-sighted man, or better versed in these matters, he would have been surprised at the king’s procureur answering him on such a subject, instead of referring him to the governors of the prison or the prefect of the department. But Morrel, disappointed in his expectations of exciting fear, was conscious only of the other’s condescension. Villefort had calculated rightly. “No,” said Morrel; “I am not mistaken. I have known him for ten years, the last four of which he was in my service. Do not you recollect, I came about six weeks ago to plead for clemency, as I come today to plead for justice. You received me very coldly. Oh, the royalists were very severe with the Bonapartists in those days.” “Monsieur,” returned Villefort, “I was then a royalist, because I believed the Bourbons not only the heirs to the throne, but the chosen of the nation. The miraculous return of Napoleon has conquered me, the legitimate monarch is he who is loved by his people.” “That’s right!” cried Morrel. “I like to hear you speak thus, and I augur well for Edmond from it.” “Wait a moment,” said Villefort, turning over the leaves of a register; “I have it—a sailor, who was about to marry a young Catalan girl. I recollect now; it was a very serious charge.” “How so?” “You know that when he left here he was taken to the Palais de Justice.” “Well?” “I made my report to the authorities at Paris, and a week after he was carried off.” “Carried off!” said Morrel. “What can they have done with him?” “Oh, he has been taken to Fenestrelles, to Pignerol, or to the Sainte-Marguérite islands. Some fine morning he will return to take command of your vessel.” “Come when he will, it shall be kept for him. But how is it he is not already returned? It seems to me the first care of government should be to set at liberty those who have suffered for their adherence to it.” “Do not be too hasty, M. Morrel,” replied Villefort. “The order of imprisonment came from high authority, and the order for his liberation must proceed from the same source; and, as Napoleon has scarcely been reinstated a fortnight, the letters have not yet been forwarded.” “But,” said Morrel, “is there no way of expediting all these formalities—of releasing him from arrest?” “There has been no arrest.” “How?” “It is sometimes essential to government to cause a man’s disappearance without leaving any traces, so that no written forms or documents may defeat their wishes.” “It might be so under the Bourbons, but at present——” “It has always been so, my dear Morrel, since the reign of Louis XIV. The emperor is more strict in prison discipline than even Louis himself, and the number of prisoners whose names are not on the register is incalculable.” Had Morrel even any suspicions, so much kindness would have dispelled them. “Well, M. de Villefort, how would you advise me to act?” asked he. “Petition the minister.” “Oh, I know what that is; the minister receives two hundred petitions every day, and does not read three.” “That is true; but he will read a petition countersigned and presented by me.” “And will you undertake to deliver it?” “With the greatest pleasure. Dantès was then guilty, and now he is innocent, and it is as much my duty to free him as it was to condemn him.” Villefort thus forestalled any danger of an inquiry, which, however improbable it might be, if it did take place would leave him defenceless. “But how shall I address the minister?” “Sit down there,” said Villefort, giving up his place to Morrel, “and write what I dictate.” “Will you be so good?” “Certainly. But lose no time; we have lost too much already.” “That is true. Only think what the poor fellow may even now be suffering.” Villefort shuddered at the suggestion; but he had gone too far to draw back. Dantès must be crushed to gratify Villefort’s ambition. Villefort dictated a petition, in which, from an excellent intention, no doubt, Dantès’ patriotic services were exaggerated, and he was made out one of the most active agents of Napoleon’s return. It was evident that at the sight of this document the minister would instantly release him. The petition finished, Villefort read it aloud. “That will do,” said he; “leave the rest to me.” “Will the petition go soon?” “Today.” “Countersigned by you?” “The best thing I can do will be to certify the truth of the contents of your petition.” And, sitting down, Villefort wrote the certificate at the bottom. “What more is to be done?” “I will do whatever is necessary.” This assurance delighted Morrel, who took leave of Villefort, and hastened to announce to old Dantès that he would soon see his son. As for Villefort, instead of sending to Paris, he carefully preserved the petition that so fearfully compromised Dantès, in the hopes of an event that seemed not unlikely,—that is, a second restoration. Dantès remained a prisoner, and heard not the noise of the fall of Louis XVIII.’s throne, or the still more tragic destruction of the empire. Twice during the Hundred Days had Morrel renewed his demand, and twice had Villefort soothed him with promises. At last there was Waterloo, and Morrel came no more; he had done all that was in his power, and any fresh attempt would only compromise himself uselessly. Louis XVIII. remounted the throne; Villefort, to whom Marseilles had become filled with remorseful memories, sought and obtained the situation of king’s procureur at Toulouse, and a fortnight afterwards he married Mademoiselle de Saint-Méran, whose father now stood higher at court than ever. And so Dantès, after the Hundred Days and after Waterloo, remained in his dungeon, forgotten of earth and heaven. Danglars comprehended the full extent of the wretched fate that overwhelmed Dantès; and, when Napoleon returned to France, he, after the manner of mediocre minds, termed the coincidence, a decree of Providence. But when Napoleon returned to Paris, Danglars’ heart failed him, and he lived in constant fear of Dantès’ return on a mission of vengeance. He therefore informed M. Morrel of his wish to quit the sea, and obtained a recommendation from him to a Spanish merchant, into whose service he entered at the end of March, that is, ten or twelve days after Napoleon’s return. He then left for Madrid, and was no more heard of. Fernand understood nothing except that Dantès was absent. What had become of him he cared not to inquire. Only, during the respite the absence of his rival afforded him, he reflected, partly on the means of deceiving Mercédès as to the cause of his absence, partly on plans of emigration and abduction, as from time to time he sat sad and motionless on the summit of Cape Pharo, at the spot from whence Marseilles and the Catalans are visible, watching for the apparition of a young and handsome man, who was for him also the messenger of vengeance. Fernand’s mind was made up; he would shoot Dantès, and then kill himself. But Fernand was mistaken; a man of his disposition never kills himself, for he constantly hopes. During this time the empire made its last conscription, and every man in France capable of bearing arms rushed to obey the summons of the emperor. Fernand departed with the rest, bearing with him the terrible thought that while he was away, his rival would perhaps return and marry Mercédès. Had Fernand really meant to kill himself, he would have done so when he parted from Mercédès. His devotion, and the compassion he showed for her misfortunes, produced the effect they always produce on noble minds—Mercédès had always had a sincere regard for Fernand, and this was now strengthened by gratitude. “My brother,” said she, as she placed his knapsack on his shoulders, “be careful of yourself, for if you are killed, I shall be alone in the world.” These words carried a ray of hope into Fernand’s heart. Should Dantès not return, Mercédès might one day be his. Mercédès was left alone face to face with the vast plain that had never seemed so barren, and the sea that had never seemed so vast. Bathed in tears she wandered about the Catalan village. Sometimes she stood mute and motionless as a statue, looking towards Marseilles, at other times gazing on the sea, and debating as to whether it were not better to cast herself into the abyss of the ocean, and thus end her woes. It was not want of courage that prevented her putting this resolution into execution; but her religious feelings came to her aid and saved her. Caderousse was, like Fernand, enrolled in the army, but, being married and eight years older, he was merely sent to the frontier. Old Dantès, who was only sustained by hope, lost all hope at Napoleon’s downfall. Five months after he had been separated from his son, and almost at the hour of his arrest, he breathed his last in Mercédès’ arms. M. Morrel paid the expenses of his funeral, and a few small debts the poor old man had contracted. There was more than benevolence in this action; there was courage; the south was aflame, and to assist, even on his death-bed, the father of so dangerous a Bonapartist as Dantès, was stigmatized as a crime. About HackerNoon Book Series: We bring you the most important technical, scientific, and insightful public domain books. This book is part of the public domain. Urbana, Illinois: Project Gutenberg. Retrieved April 2022, from Dumas, Alexandre. 2022. The Count of the Monte-Cristo. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1184/1184-h/1184-h.htm#linkC2HCH0013 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at , located at www.gutenberg.org https://www.gutenberg.org/policy/license.html.

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 13 - The Hundred Days

The Count of Monte Cristo, Illustrated: Chapter 7 - The Examination

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