Queen Elizabeth gave the name “Virginia

The country to which Queen Elizabeth gave the name “Virginia,” upon the return of Raleigh’s reconnoitering captains in September, 1584, with their flattering report, comprehended vaguely the whole of the seaboard of North America above Florida to a point toward Newfoundland, and inland indefinitely. In the following Spring Raleigh’s first company of intended colonists were ready to depart for the fruitful region, the attractions of which Captains Amadas and Barlow had set forth so enchantingly.

This pioneer band comprised gentlemen of standing, experienced navigators, younger sons of noble houses or gentry seeking adventure, restless spirits with an eye for pelf, hardy sailors. Ralph Lane at the head as governor, was a sailor-soldier of merit, and when invited by Raleigh to this post was serving in Ireland. Captain Amadas, of the reconnoitering expedition, was Lane’s deputy, afterward designated “admiral of the country”—Virginia. Thomas Hariot, or Harriot, named as surveyor, and also to be the historian of the colony, had been Raleigh’s tutor: he became in after years distinguished as a mathematician and astronomer, and materially advanced the science of algebra. John White, to be the principal draughtsman, was a man of affairs as well as a painter of some note, and was later to become governor of Raleigh’s second colony and grandfather of the first English child born in North America—Virginia Dare; and in his drawings, with those of the artist Le Moine, of the Huguenot colony in Florida, 1562–1566 (afterward in London a “servant” of Raleigh’s), we have the first accurate knowledge of the North American Indian and of the natural history of the country. Sir Richard Grenville, a cousin of Raleigh’s, a British naval hero, was the general of the fleet assembled to carry the company out. Captain Thomas Cavendish, navigator and freebooter, soon to circumnavigate the globe, was commander of one of the ships. The two Indians, Wanchese and Manteo, whom Amadas and Barlow brought home with them, were joined to the company as guides.

The fleet comprised seven sail: the “Tiger,” admiral or flagship, of one hundred and forty tons; a “Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the like burden”; the “Lyon,” one hundred tons, “or thereabouts”; the “Elizabeth,” fifty tons; the “Dorithie,” a small bark; and two small pinnaces. They weighed anchor and sailed out of Plymouth harbour on the ninth of April, 1585. The outward voyage was a leisurely one, with stops at Porto Rico, Hispaniola, and other places, and with seizures of Spanish prizes along the way, so that their destination at Wocokon and Roanoke Island was not reached till the end of June. Their sometimes exciting adventures on this passage are summarily related in the diary of one of the company, which Hakluyt gives with this unusually brief caption: “The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile for Sir Walter Ralegh to Virginia in the yeere 1585.”

The longest stop was made off Porto Rico, at the “Island of S. John de Porto Rico.” Here a temporary fort was erected close to the seaside, and backed by woods, and within it a pinnace was built from timber, some of which was cut three miles up the land and brought upon trucks to the fort, the few Spaniards on the island “not daring to make or offer resistance.” One day while they were at this work eight horsemen appeared out of the woods about a quarter of a mile back, and there halting, stood silently gazing upon them for half an hour; then, a company of ten of their men being started out in marching order, the horsemen disappeared in the woods. Another day a sail was seen afar off approaching their haven. Supposing her to be either a Spanish or a French warship, the “Tiger” was made ready and went out to meet her. As the strange craft was neared, however, she was discovered to be Captain Cavendish’s ship of their own fleet, which had been separated from them at sea in a storm. Thereat there was rejoicing instead of a fight, and the ships’ guns were discharged in mutual peaceful salutes. Again, on another day, a second and a larger band of horsemen appeared, and nearer the fort. Twenty footmen and two horsemen, the latter mounted on Spanish horses that had been seized, were sent against them. When the Englishmen were within hailing distance the Spaniards displayed a flag of truce, and made signs for a parley. Two from each side accordingly came together on the sands between the two lines. The Spanish representatives offered “very great salutations” to the English, but expostulated against the Englishmen’s coming and fortifying in their country. The English representatives assured them that their company were here only to furnish themselves with water, victuals, and other necessities of which they stood in need. They hoped the Spaniards would yield these to them “with faire and friendly meanes”; but if this were not done they were resolved to “practice force” and relieve themselves by the sword. At this the Spaniards, with “all courtesie and great favour,” expressed their readiness to render every assistance, and promised a supply of provisions. And so the parley ended graciously.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISHMEN IN VIRGINIA.
From a drawing by John White, of Raleigh’s first colony, 1585.

The very next day the pinnace was finished and launched. Then the general, with his captains and gentlemen, marched up into the country to meet the Spaniards with the promised provisions. But the Spaniards came not. Whereupon the general fired the woods roundabout, and his party marched back to their fort. Later, the same day, they fired their fort and all embarked to sail the next morning on their course. In the meantime Ralph Lane, taking a Spanish frigate that they had captured, with a Spanish pilot, had made a successful venture with twenty of his men to “Roxo bay, on the southwest side of S. John,” after a cargo of salt. He threw up entrenchments about a salt hut here, and quietly loaded the frigate while “two or three troupes of [Spanish] horsemen” stood off and “gave him the looking,” but offered no resistance. When the fleet sailed from St. John most of the company were itching from the stings of swarms of “muskitos” which they had got on shore.

That night at sea they took a Spanish frigate whose crew had abandoned her upon sight of the fleet. Early next morning another was captured: this a more profitable prize, having a “good and riche freight and divers Spaniards of account in her.” The Spaniards were afterward ransomed “for good round summes” and were landed at St. John.

The next call was made at Hispaniola. Here there was much impressive exchange of courtesies between the Spaniards and their uninvited guests. The fleet anchored at Isabella on the first of June. Upon his arrival, apparently, the general entertained some local grandees on his ship. For on the third of June the “governor of Isabella and captaine of Port de Plata,” having heard that there were “many brave and gallant gentlemen” in the fleet, sent a “gentle commendation” to Sir Richard with a promise shortly to make him an official call. On the appointed day the governor appeared at the landing off which the fleet lay, accompanied by a “lustie Fryer” and twenty other Spaniards with their servants and Negroes. Thereupon Sir Richard and his chief men, “every man appointed and furnished in the best sort,”—in briefer phrase, wearing his best clothes,—took the shipboats and were rowed forth in fine feather to meet them. The reception was most cordial on both sides. The Spanish governor received the English general “very courteously,” while the Spanish gentlemen saluted the English gentlemen, and “their inferior sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our men and likewise their qualities.”

Then followed a sylvan banquet: “In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Governour discussed betwixt them of divers matters, and of the state of the Countrey, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of the Iland, our men provided two banquetting houses covered with greene boughes, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the servants, and a sumptuous banquet was brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of trumpets, and consort of musicke, wherewith the Spaniards were delighted.” The feast ended, the Spaniards in their turn, in recompense of the English courtesies, provided a bull fight, or hunt, for them. “They caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines, and appoynted for every Gentleman and Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three of the best of them to be hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for space of three houres, wherein all three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea and was slain with a musket.” After this brutal sport rare presents were exchanged. The next day the thrifty Englishmen “played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bull-hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of the Iland.”

On the seventh of June they departed, with great good will, from these Spaniards and Hispaniola. “But,” the diarist shrewdly observed, “the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie used towards us by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of, and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst us, then [than] to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement: for doubtless if they had been stronger then wee, wee might have looked for no better courtesie at their handes then Master John Haukins received at Saint John de Ullua, or John Oxnam neere the streights of Dariene, and divers others of our Countreymen in other places.”

Resuming the voyage, short stops were made at some of the Bahama Islands, and on the twentieth of June they fell in with the mainland of Florida. On the twenty-third they were in great danger of wreck “on a beach called the Cape of Feare,” so first named by these voyagers. The next day they came to anchor in a harbour where they caught “in one tyde so much fish as would have yeelded us twentie pounds in London.” Here they made their first landing on the continent. Two days afterward they had arrived at Wocokon.

In entering the shallow harbour three days later the flagship struck aground and, according to the diarist, “sunk,” but she was not lost. On the third of July word of their arrival at Wocokon was sent by Manteo to king Wingina at Roanoke Island. And ultimately the company went up to Roanoke Island and began their settlement there.

Grenville remained with them for about two months and then returned with the ships to England, promising to come back with supplies by the next Easter. The month was spent mostly in explorations of the neighbouring waters and country; while one harsh and ill-judged act was committed by Sir Richard’s orders against the Indians, whom Amadas and Barlow had found so friendly and hospitable, which had evil results in fostering conspiracies against the new comers. The first exploration, with visits to Indian towns, was made in state soon after the arrival, and occupied eight days. Sir Richard, Master John Arundel, and “divers other gentlemen,” led in the “tilt-boat”; Governor Lane, Captain Cavendish, Heriot, and twenty others, followed in the “new pinnace,” which had been built at St. John; Captains Amadas and Clarke, with ten others, in one shipboat, and White, the artist, with Francis Broke in another. They crossed the southern part of Pamlico Sound to the mainland and discovered three Indian towns—Pomejok, Aquascogoc, and Secotan. On the next day Pomejok was visited; on the next, Aquascogoc, and two days after, Secotan, where they were well entertained. The next day was marked by the harsh act of large consequences. They had returned to Secotan and thence “one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquasogok to demand a silver cup which one of the Savages had stolen from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, wee burnt and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.”

The fleet left Wocokon on the twenty-first of July for Hastorask, where they arrived and anchored on the twenty-seventh. Soon after, the courteous receiver of Amadas and Barlow on their first coming, King Wingina’s brother Granganimeo, came aboard the flagship with Manteo, and paid his respects to Sir Richard.

The colony being finally established at Roanoke Island, the ships weighed anchor on August the twenty-fifth and Grenville was off on his return to England. When less than a week at sea he came upon a fine Spanish ship of three hundred tons, and forthwith took her, with a rich cargo. In this performance a reckless show of bravery was made, Sir Richard boarding her “with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder and sunke at the ship’s side, assoone as ever he and his men were out of it.” Afterward Sir Richard took charge of the prize and completed the voyage in her, arriving at Plymouth on the eighteenth of September. As was natural with this plunder, he was “courteously received by divers of his worshipfull friends.” The “Tiger,” of which he had lost sight in foul weather on the tenth, had previously arrived at Falmouth.

How fared the colony in “Virginia” after Sir Richard had left with the ships is told in Ralph Lane’s report to Raleigh: “An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17 of August 1585 until the 18 of June 1586 at which time they departed the Countrey: sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.”

There were in all one hundred and eight men of the company remaining in the colony. They finished the building of a fort on Roanoke Island, which had apparently been begun before Grenville left; and set up their houses, presumably of logs, the best of these thatched with grasses. But their principal occupation was in exploration for discovery of the country about them. These expeditions were mainly by water and only in small boats, all the craft they had. One much used was a four-oared boat, which could carry not more than fifteen men with their trappings and provisions for seven days at the most. The largest apparently was the pinnace built at St. John, but she drew too deep water for the shallow sound about their settlement, and so could not be employed as readily as the smaller rowboats. Others were “wherries,” perhaps shipboats. With these slender facilities the extent of their explorations was surprising. Their discoveries were extended from Roanoke Island south, north, northwest, and west for considerable distances. Southward the farthest point reached was “Secotan,” or “Croatoan,” in the present county of Carteret at the southern end of Pamlico Sound, which they estimated to be eighty miles from Roanoke Island. To the northward they went one hundred and thirty miles to the “Chesepians,” so passing into the present Virginia. They penetrated into the Chesepian’s territory some fifteen miles from the shore, nearly reaching the Chesapeake Bay, below Norfolk. Northwestward they travelled one hundred and thirty miles to “Chawanook,” on the Chowan River, at a point just below the junction of the Meherrin and the Nottaway rivers. And westward they ascended the “River of Moratoc”—the Roanoke River—till they were distant one hundred and sixty miles from Roanoke Island.

On the voyage up the Chowan, Lane learned from a native monarch, “Menatonon,” king of the “province of Chawanook,” whom he had prisoner with him for two days, and described as, “for a savage, a very grave and wise man,” that by a canoe journey of three days, and overland four days to the northeast, he would come to a rich king’s country which lay upon the sea, whose place of greatest strength was an island in a deep bay. This pointed to Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, in Hampton Roads, at the mouth of the Elizabeth River. Lane had early become satisfied that Roanoke Island, with its poor harbour and the dangerous coast, was not the fittest place for a settlement; and having Menatonon’s information he resolved “with himself” that, should the expected supplies from England come before the end of April, and with them more boats or more men to build boats in reasonable time, he would seek out this king’s stronghold; and if the country were as represented he would move the colony to that point. This project was thoroughly and judiciously planned, as appears in the outline of it that he gives in his report. He would have two expeditions starting from Roanoke Island. One should go out in a small bark and two pinnaces by sea northward to find the bay, sound the bar if there were any, and to ride in the bay about the island stronghold till the other should arrive. The other, led by himself, should comprise two hundred men, taking all the small boats he could have built, and should penetrate to the head of the “river of Chewanook” (the Chowan), and thence overland. He would have with him Indian guides whom Menatonon would provide: and that these guides would be selected from the best of Menatonon’s men he was assured, for he had cleverly retained the king’s “best beloved son,” "Skyko," as his prisoner or hostage. He would, too, have this young brave keep company with him “in a hand-locke with the rest, foote by foote all the voyage over-land.”

Thus, if he had been enabled to prosecute this venture to the finish Lane would have found Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, and removing his colony thence, would have anticipated the settlement at Jamestown by about twenty years. But the relief from England did not come as expected, and in April Lane had a formidable Indian conspiracy against the life of the colony to meet.

King Wingina became an enemy of the colony and plotted to destroy it. His father, Ensenore, and his brother, Granganimeo, continued friendly, and stayed his hand for a while. But Granganimeo died not long after the arrival of the colony, and Ensenore died in April. Wingina, upon the death of Granganimeo, changed his name to “Pemisapan,” and Pemisapan he is afterward called in Lane’s report. The conspiracy was his conception, and was formed immediately upon Ensenore’s death. Wanchese, the companion of Manteo in the visit to England, was among the chief conspirators. But Manteo remained the Englishmen’s staunch and steadfast friend, and rendered them signal aid in times of their greatest perils.

Wingina’s cunning diplomacy was first exercised at the time of Lane’s ascension of the Moratoc (Roanoke) River. This exploration Lane deemed of large importance, the natives having reported “strange things” of the head of that river, and told of a wondrous mine thereabouts, producing a “marvellous mineral,” and a people skilled in refining ore. The river, they said, sprang in a violent stream out of a huge rock, which stood so near to the sea that in great storms the ocean’s waves were so beaten into the river that its fresh water for a certain space grew salt and brackish. In the opinion of Master Hariot, which Lane quoted, the head, from the savages’ description of the country, rose either “from the bay of Mexico or els from very neere unto the same, that openeth out into the South Sea [the Pacific].” The mine was of copper and famed for its richness among all the tribes of the region, those of the mainland as well as on the river’s banks. Such abundant store of the metal had the tribe dwelling nearest to it-the “Mangoaks”—that they beautified their houses with large plates of it. These stories moved Lane to a great effort to attain this promising point, for, as he observed, with a touch of humor or of pessimism, in the light of previous western enterprises of his countrymen, “the discovery of a good mine, or the passage to the South Sea, or some other way to it, and nothing els can bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation.”

Accordingly he planned his largest expedition to this end, comprising some forty men with two “double wherries.” The head of the river, he was told, was a thirty or forty days’ canoe voyage above the principal Indian town on its banks, which had the same name as it—Moratoc. Therefore he purposed to go up stream as far as the quantity of provisions he could carry would supply his company, and then obtain fresh provisions from the Moratocs or from the Mangoaks farther up. The expedition started out in March. They had proceeded only three days on their voyage from Menatonon’s dominions and had come to the Moratocs’ country, when they found that all the people had withdrawn and taken their whole stock of corn with them into the interior. Not a single savage could be seen in any of the towns or villages, nor a grain of corn be found. The voyagers were now a hundred and sixty miles from “home”—Roanoke Island—and with only two days’ victuals left. It was evident that they had been betrayed by some of their own Indians, and that the intent was to starve and so destroy them.

And so it proved. This was Pemisapan’s scheme. Lane had been obliged to take Pemisapan into his confidence, because he depended upon him for a guide to the Mangoaks, and the wily savage had secretly given the tribes word of his coming, with the declaration that his real purpose was to kill them all off. On the other hand, he had told Lane that the tribes had such intention toward the English, plotting their destruction, and had repeatedly urged him to go against them. He had told of a general assembly by Manatonon at Chawanook of all his “Weroances” and allies to the number of three thousand bows, to go against the English at Roanoke Island; and had declared that the Mangoaks, who were able to bring as many more fighting men to the enterprise, were in the same confederacy. And true it was that at that time this assembly was held at Chawanook, and the confederacy was formed, but this, as Menatonon afterward confessed to Lane, was “altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan himselfe.” He had fabricated the story of the Englishmen’s hostile intention in passing up the river, notwithstanding that they had entered into a league of amity with representatives of both the Moratocs and the Mangoaks, and they had heretofore dealt kindly with each other.

On the night of their arrival at the deserted villages, before placing his sentinels, Lane informed his company of the situation they were in, and of his belief that they had been betrayed and “drawen foorth upon a vaine hope to be in the ende starved,” and he left it to be determined by the majority whether they should venture the spending of all their victuals in further voyaging onward with the hope of better luck above, or return. That the matter might not be acted upon hastily, he advised them to reserve their decision till the next morning. At that time they resolved almost unanimously, “not three of the contrary opinion,” that, “while there was one-half pint of corn for a man, they should not leave the search of that river.” If the worst fell out they had two mastiffs with them, and they could make shift to live on a “pottage” of these dogs with sassafras leaves, for two days, which time, they then returning, would bring them down the current back to the entrance to the sound. They would patiently fast for two days, “rather than to draw back a foot till they had seen the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.”

So these plucky Englishmen kept on for two days more when their victuals were gone. Lying by the shore through the nights they saw nobody, but they perceived fires at intervals along the shore where they were to pass, and up into the country. On the afternoon of the second day they heard savages call from the shore, as they thought, “Manteo,” who was then in the boat with Lane. At this they were all glad, hoping for a friendly conference. Manteo was bidden to answer. He did so, and presently the savages began a song. This the Englishmen took as in token of his welcome by them. But Manteo seized his piece, telling Lane that they meant to fight. No sooner had his words been spoken and the “light horsemen” made ready to be put on shore, than a volley of arrows lighted amongst the company. None, however, was hurt. Immediately the other boat lay ready with her shot to scour a place for the “hand weepons” to land. A landing was quickly accomplished, although the shore was high and steep. Then the savages fled. They were followed for a while till they had “wooded themselves,” the pursuers knew not where. That night was spent at this point, on guard.

The next morning all agreed that further advancement was impossible, for there was no prospect of obtaining victuals. The worst had now fallen out, and the party were obliged to resort to their “dogges porredge.” So before sunrise they began their return voyage. By nightfall of the next day they were within a few miles of the river’s mouth. They had rowed in one day with the current as great a distance as they had made in four days up stream against the current. That night they lodged upon an island, where they had “nothing in the world to eat but pottage of sassafras leaves.” They had next day to pass the broad sound with empty stomachs. That day the wind blew so strong and the billows rose so high that the passage could not then be made without danger of sinking their boats. That evening was Easter eve, “which was fasted most truely.” Easter morning, however, opened calmly, so that they could proceed with safety. Late in the afternoon they arrived at Chypannum. The savages they had left here had all fled, but their weirs yielded them some fish, with which they thankfully broke their fast. The next morning they reached “home,” at Roanoke.

Their return astonished and dismayed Pemisapan and his allies. A “bruit” had been raised among the tribes that they had all been destroyed by the Chaonists and the Mangoaks, part of them slain and part starved. This had developed in Pemisapan and the hostile confederates a contempt for the English. Instead of a “reverent opinion” that had formerly been shown toward the Englishmen’s God, they had begun “flatly to say that our Lorde God was not God since he suffered us to sustaine much hunger and also to be killed.” Pemisapan had further planned to starve out the rest of the colonists at Roanoke Island, and had now made ready to put this plan into execution. He proposed to take his savages off and leave his ground in the island unsown. This done, the English could not have been preserved from starvation. For at that time they had no fish weirs of their own, nor men skilled in making them; neither had they a grain of corn for seed.

All was changed by Lane’s safe return with the whole of his party, and by the reports of their adventures made to Pemisapan by three of his own savages whom Lane had had with him besides Manteo; also by the knowledge that Menatonon had been made prisoner, and his favourite son Skyko taken and brought to Roanoke. “Old Ensenore” again became potent in Pemisapan’s councils. He reasoned that the English were the servants of God and could not be destroyed by them. Contrariwise, that those savages that sought their destruction would find their own. That the English “being dead men were able to doe them more hurt than now” they “could do being alive.” It was an opinion confidently held by the “wisest” among the tribes, as well by their old men, that at night when a hundred miles from any of the living English some of their people had been shot at in the air, and stricken by English men that had died among them from sickness. And many of them believed that the English were “dead men returned into the world againe, and that we doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time, and that then we returne againe.”

Ensenore’s influence and such reasoning temporarily restored the Englishmen’s power. But that which had the largest effect was an act of Menatonon’s in bringing one of the kings to formal allegiance to the English queen and to Sir Walter Raleigh:

“Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd journey [up the Roanoke] Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me certaine pearle for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signifie unto mee that hee had commanded Okisko, King of Weopomiok, to yeelde himselfe servant, and homager to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Ralegh: to perfourme which commandement received from Menatonon the sayd Okisko joyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoke to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let me knowe that from that time forwarde, hee, and his successours were to acknowledge her Majestie their onely Soveraigne and next unto her as aforesaid.”

This done and acknowledged by them all in the presence of Ensenore, and Pemisapan and his council, apparently quite changed Pemisapan’s disposition. At all events he agreed with Ensenore that his people should set up weirs for the colonists, and sow his land. This was done, and by the end of April the Indians had sown sufficient land to produce a crop that would have kept the whole company for a year. The king also gave the colonists a plot of land for themselves to sow. These proceedings put them in “marvellous comfort,” for if they could keep themselves till the opening of July, which was the beginning of the Indian harvest, they would then have, even though their expected new supplies from England had not then arrived, enough store of their own to sustain them.

But Ensenore died within a few days after these promising arrangements, and now Pemisapan perfected his conspiracy. The plot was artfully contrived. First king Okisko of Weopomiok, who had so dramatically given his allegiance to the English queen, was to be moved through the agency of a “great quantitie of copper” to take a hand in it with the Mangoaks to the number of seven or eight hundred bows. They of Weopomiok were to be invited ostensibly to a “certaine kind of moneths mind,” or ceremony which the savages were wont to hold in memory of a dead personage, in this case Ensenore. At the same time the Mangoaks and the Chespians with their allies, to the number of seven hundred, were to be assembled at “Dasamonguepeio” or Dasamonguepeuk—the mainland lying west of Roanoke Island. The clans here were to lie low in ambush till signals were exchanged with the other forces, the signals to be fires, denoting the moment for action. Then Pemisapan and his fellows were to seize and execute Lane and some of his principal men, while the Dasamonguepeuk bands were to cross to Roanoke and despatch the rest of the colony. It was expected that they would then be dismayed by hunger and scattered over the island and elsewhere, seeking crabs and fish for food. For it was to be agreed that from the time of the formation of the conspiracy no corn or other supplies should be sold the colony, and that the weirs which had been built for them should be robbed at night and broken up. By these means Pemisapan felt assured that Lane would be enforced for lack of sustenance at Roanoke to disband his people into sundry places to live upon shell fish as the savages themselves were accustomed to do while their corn was growing.

Lane and his chief men were to be despatched in this fashion. Two of Pemisapan’s principal braves, “very lustie fellows,” with twenty more, were charged with Lane’s taking off. “In the dead time of the night they would have beset my house and put fire in the reedes that the same was covered with: meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would have come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, upon the instant whereof they would have knockt out my braines. The same order was given to certaine of his fellowes for M. Heriots: so for the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort as for us at the towne.” It was arranged that the blow should be struck on the tenth of June.

In the meantime Pemisapan continued an ostentatious show of friendship. But Lane was aware of his designs. He was kept informed by young Skyko, his prisoner, who was in the confidence of Pemisapan, the plotter believing that he was secretly the Englishmen’s “enemy to the death.” At one time he had attempted to escape, when Lane put him in the “bylboes” and threatened to cut off his head, but refrained from that drastic punishment at Pemisapan’s earnest entreaty. So Pemisapan held him his true friend, for favours received. Afterward, however, he was well used by Lane, while the colonists generally made much of him, and he became attached to them. Lane accepted Pemisapan’s show of friendship while the scheme was maturing, and bided his time to spring a trap on his savage enemies.

While laying his plans Pemisapan went over to Dasamonguepeuk for three causes. One was to see his grounds there broken up and sowed for a second crop; another to avoid Lane’s daily calls upon him for the sale of victuals for the colonists, his stock of excuses apparently having become exhausted; the third, to despatch his messengers to Weopomiok and to the Mangoaks. King Okisko declined to be a party to the conspiracy and retired with his forces into the mainland. The others joined it. Lane relied on Menatonon and the Chaonists who since his last visit to them had given tokens of a desire to join in perfect league with the English. One expectation of Pemisapan’s was realized. The shortage of food had become so serious that Lane was obliged to scatter the colonists. Captain Stafford with twenty men was sent to Croatoan, “My Lord Admirals Island,” there to find food for themselves, and also to watch for any shipping that might appear upon the coast, the expected relief fleet, or any other, and give warning of the approach. Master Pridiox and the “Provost Marshal,” with ten others, were sent in the pinnace to Hastorask, there to live as best they could, and look for shipping. Sixteen or twenty of the rest of the colony were sent every week to the mainland “over against us,” to live on “casada” and oysters.

To put “suspicion out of his head” that his conspiracy was known, and to draw him on, Lane sent word to Pemisapan that he was presently to go to Croatoan, since he had heard of the arrival of his relief fleet from England (which he had not), and asking him to loan some of his men to fish for the colonists. Pemisapan made reply that he would come himself. But he deferred from day to day. At length on the last day of May his savages began to “make their assembly at Roanoak at his commandement sent abroad to them.” Now Lane took the aggressive.

"I resolved not to stay longer upon his comming over, since he meant to come with so good company, but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day: but that night I meant by the way to give them in the Island a canvisado, and at the instant to seize upon all the canoas about the Island to keepe him from advertisements. But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to them: the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horsman, with a few with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, & to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonguepeio, but to suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a Canoa going from the shore, and overthrew the Canoa and cut off two Savages heads: this was not done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore; whereupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, privy to their owne villanous purposes against us, held as good espiall [spy] upon us, both by day and night, as we did upon them. The allarme given they tooke themselves to their bowes and we to our armes: some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot: the rest fled into the woods.

“The next morning with the light horsman & one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant major, I went to Dasamonguepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon who the night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied in a handlocke. Heereupon the king did abide my comming to him, and finding my selfe amidst seven or eight of his principall Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watchword agreed upon (which was, Christ our victory) and immediately those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had purposed for us. [In other words they were slain.] The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started up and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertooke him; and following him in the woods, overtooke him; and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king & my man by our owne negligence to have beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand.”

So ended Pemisapan’s conspiracy.

Seven days later word came to Lane at Roanoke from Captain Stafford at Croatoan that he had sighted a great fleet of three and twenty sail approaching the coast: but whether they were friends or foes he could not discern, and he advised the governor to “stand upon as good guard” as he could. They proved to be the fleet of Sir Francis Drake on his “prosperous” return from the sacking of St. Domingo, Cartagena, and St. Augustine. This spoiling of Spanish possessions accomplished, Sir Francis had turned from the direct homeward course to visit Sir Walter’s colony and see how it fared with them. The next day Captain Stafford followed close upon his messenger, having travelled through the night before and that day twenty miles by land, and arrived at Roanoke with a letter from Sir Francis conveying a “most bountifull and honourable offer” to the governor. He would supply the colony with what necessities they required,—victuals, clothing, munitions, barks, pinnaces, and boats manned and provisioned. The following day the fleet appeared in the road of Roanoke’s “bad harborow” and came there to anchor. And the next, Lane and Drake met on his flagship and exchanged greetings.

Sir Francis renewed his offer, to which he said all the captains of his fleet had assented, and asked for details of the colony’s needs. Thanking him and his captains with warmth for their generosity Lane craved the following: That Drake would take with him to England a number of weak and unfit men of the colony, and in their places supply oarsmen, artificers, and others; that he would leave sufficient shipping and provisions to carry the colonists into August or later, when they might have to return to England; also some ships’ masters, not only to convey them to England “when time should be,” but to search the coast for some better harbour, if there were one; provide them a number of small boats; and supply them with “calievers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles, apparell, and such like.” All these desires Sir Francis stood ready cheerfully to meet. At his request Lane sent to him the various officers of the colony with their lists of needs—the “Master of the Victuals,” the “Keeper of the Store,” the “Vice-treasurer.” Drake forthwith turned over to Lane the “Francis” of his fleet, “a very proper bark of 70 tun,” and ordered her to be provisioned for an hundred men for four months. Also, two pinnaces and four small boats. And two of his masters, with their consent, were assigned to Lane’s service till the time he had promised for their return to England.

On the twelfth the bark was provisioned, the two loaned masters were aboard her, and several of Lane’s best men, ready to pass from the fleet’s anchorage to Roanoke Island. The very next morning an unwonted storm arose which scattered the fleet. The tempest raged through four days, and “had like to have driven all on shore if the Lord had not held his loving hand over them, and the Generall very providentially forseene the worst himselfe.” As it was, several of the fleet were driven to put to sea, while the “Francis,” with her precious cargo, the two masters, and Lane’s choice men, was seen to be free from the others and also “to put cleere to Sea.” After the storm was over Drake came ashore and offered Lane another ship, provisioned as the “Francis” had been, and with another master. This was a large bark, the “Bonner,” of one hundred and seventy tons, and Sir Francis said that she could not be brought into the harbour but must be left in the road.

Thereupon Lane called his remaining chiefs into council, and the upshot of their deliberations, considering the situation of the colony,—their reduced numbers, the carrying away of the “Francis” with her provisions and company, the hopelessness of the arrival of Sir Richard Grenville with the relief fleet now long overdue,—was the decision that Sir Francis’s second offer, “though most honourable of his part,” must be declined, and that he be petitioned in all their names to give the colony passage with him back to England. This request Lane personally delivered, and Drake promptly granted. Accordingly his pinnaces were sent to Roanoke to take off the men and their effects. But the weather was yet boisterous, and the pinnaces were so often aground that much valuable stuff was lost. “The most of all we had, with all our Cards [charts], Books, and writings were by the Sailers cast overboard, the greater number of the fleet being much aggrieved with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road.”

The returning colonists were bestowed among the several ships, and on the nineteenth all set sail for home, where they duly arrived, at Portsmouth, on the twenty-seventh of July.

Almost immediately after the colonists had abandoned Roanoke and sailed off with Drake, a ship sent out by Raleigh at his “sole charges” to their relief, arrived on the coast of Carolina. She had left England after Easter, freighted plentifully with stores most necessary for the infant colony. When her captain found this “paradise of the world,” as he termed their seat, deserted, he returned with his cargo to England. Hakluyt gives the brief account of this voyage as third in the series of Raleigh’s Virginia expeditions. A fortnight later Sir Richard Grenville’s delayed relief fleet, comprising three ships full laden with supplies of all sorts, at last arrived at the deserted place. In order to preserve possession of the country for England he left fifteen men (not fifty as some after chroniclers stated) at Roanoke Island, and then returned as he had come.

While so much material was lost by the colonists in the hurry of departure, Thomas Hariot preserved notes from which he subsequently wrote out a particular and helpful description of the country of “Virginia,” its inhabitants, productions, animals, birds, and fishes, which was first published in 1588 and Hakluyt reproduced the next year; and John White brought home many sketches, drawings, and water colours, which subsequently appeared as illustrations of Hariot’s book.

Others of the colonists brought home specimens of the country’s products, among them the tobacco plant and the potato root. Both were first introduced into general use in Europe by Raleigh.

A MAP OF VIRGINIA, 1585.
From the map in Hariot’s “Relation.”