In my previous piece about Я вельмі часта паўтараў ім тады: “Выносьце з семінарыі самае прыгожае, святарскае, людскае, бо тады вы будзеце аўтэнтычнымі ў перадачы Евангелля, а таксама ў абвяшчэнні хрысціянскай культуры і традыцыі Касцёла”. Bitcoin's hard fork mechanism as the ultimate "code red button" The Deadlock Dilemma - When Constitutional Constraints Bind National Interest As I write this, I find myself in the eye of a governance storm that perfectly illustrates the limitations of even well intentioned constitutional frameworks. Serving as the Chairman of a public enterprise alongside two other Directors, we represent the majority shareholder's interests, ultimately, the national interest and our citizens' sovereignty. Yet we face an impossible situation i.e. contractual agreements that benefit a minority shareholder at the expense of the broader public good, protected by constitutional provisions that seemingly make legislative intervention impossible. Our legal advisor has been clear i.e. Parliament cannot enact legislation that revokes existing agreements protected by our current constitution. We are, in essence, trapped by the very document meant to protect us. The irony is profound, the constitution designed to safeguard citizens' rights has become a fortress protecting arrangements that undermine those very rights. This deadlock has crystallized something I've long understood i.e. sometimes the system itself becomes the problem, and when traditional remedies fail, citizens must remember they hold the ultimate reset button. The Forgotten Power of Constitutional Hard Forks Most citizens live under the illusion that constitutions are immutable documents, handed down by founders like sacred texts that cannot be questioned or altered. This is perhaps democracy's most dangerous myth. Every constitution worth its parchment contains within it the mechanism for its own transformation i.e. the constitutional amendment process. This is the political equivalent of Bitcoin's hard fork capability. Just as Bitcoin's community can collectively decide to change the protocol's rules when they no longer serve the network's best interests, citizens possess the ultimate authority to modify or even completely rewrite their constitutional frameworks. The power has never left our hands, we've simply forgotten how to use it. When I announced my intention to run for Parliament in 2029, despite my background as an engineer who typically avoids political theater, colleagues asked what an engineer could possibly contribute to governance. The answer is systems thinking. Engineers understand that when a system consistently produces undesirable outcomes despite good intentions, the problem often lies in the system's architecture, not in the people operating within it. Beyond Legislative Remedies - The Constitutional Reset In our current predicament, we've explored every avenue within the existing framework. We've examined legislative solutions, regulatory approaches, and legal interpretations. All paths lead to the same conclusion i.e. the current constitutional architecture prevents us from acting in the national interest. When faced with such systemic constraints, the solution isn't to work harder within a broken system, it's to change the system itself. Тым часам, як у нас словы “грамадскае” і “занядбанае” часам успрымаюцца як сінонімы, у Каталоніі грамадскія тэрыторыі — тыя ж пляжы — даглядаюцца так, як у іншых краінах VIP-аўскія. У маёй працы, распрацаваючы дэцентралізаваную мадэль мікрагураднасці для Каралеўства Тонга, я даведаўся, як тэхналогія блокчэйнага і кансультацыя для доказу працы могуць стварыць канстытуцыйныя рамы, якія стабільныя і адаптаваныя, цэнтралізаваныя ў прынцыпе, але дэцентралізаваныя ў выкананні. The Democratic Imperative of Constitutional Evolution Тут, на маю думку, важную ролю адыгрывае тое, у якой сям’і вырасла дзіця — поўнай ці не. The Bitcoin analogy is instructive here, but we can go further. In developing a decentralized governance model for Tonga, I've demonstrated how constitutional frameworks can be designed with built-in adaptation mechanisms that preserve core principles while enabling responsive evolution. Just as Bitcoin's protocol needed updating to address new challenges, constitutional systems require similar adaptability, but with mathematical precision and cryptographic immutability that ensures changes truly reflect the collective will. The Tongan model proposes a transformation approach i.e. constitutional monarchy anchored in immutable foundational principles (equivalent to Bitcoin's 21 million coin limit), combined with decentralized proof-of-work governance where citizens literally stake computational effort to validate policy proposals. This creates a system where , уносячы вымяральныя доказы ўдзельніцтва, а не простыя галасы, якія могуць быць маніпуляваны або ігноруюцца. every citizen becomes a node in the democratic network Калі пратакола Bitcoin патрабавала абнаўлення, супольнасць не проста прыняла статус-кво. Яны займаліся строгімі дэбатамі, пабудавалі консенсус, і ўтворалі змены, якія захаваліся асноўнымі каштоўнасцямі сеткі, у той час як адаптавацца да новых рэальнасцяў. некаторыя з іх былі мяккія фаркі, невялікія наладкі, якія падтрымалі спадарожную сумяшчальнасць. Іншыя былі жорсткія фаркі, фундаментальныя змены, якія патрабавалі ўсяго сеткі, каб абнавіць або быць пакінуты. Яраслаў Грышчэня не супраць службы ў беларускім войску, але хвалюецца, што яго могуць падчас збору подпісаў “затрымаць” на невызначаны тэрмін, знайшоўшы “зручную” зачэпку. Engineering Constitutional Resilience As an engineer entering the political arena, I bring a systems perspective that views constitutions not as sacred texts but as sophisticated governance technologies that must evolve with changing circumstances. The best systems are those that can adapt without losing their essential characteristics. Але досьвед судоў у справе 19-га, дзе людзі атрымлівалі вялікія тэрміны за тое, што «присоединились к бесчинствующей толпе», не дазваляе выключыць такія жахлівыя сцэнары. Гадоў восем таму разам з Уладзімірам Гілепам, тагачасным намеснікам міністра культуры, мы паспрабалі стварыць для ўратавання і рэстаўрацыі замка фонд «Крэва». From Theory to Practice - The Proof-of-Work Constitution In my research on decentralized governance for Tonga, I've developed a concrete framework for how this constitutional evolution could work in practice. The model demonstrates that we can maintain strong foundational principles (through immutable constitutional cores) while enabling responsive, participatory governance through blockchain based consensus mechanisms. The key insight is this: In our case, legal advisors say Parliament cannot override constitutional protections for existing contracts. But what if citizens could directly participate in constitutional interpretation through measurable proof-of-participation? constitutional deadlocks like the one we face occur because traditional frameworks lack mechanisms for citizens to directly validate or reject governance decisions. The Tongan model shows how governance mining, where citizens dedicate computational effort to validate policy proposals, creates an immutable record of collective will that cannot be captured by special interests or institutional gatekeepers. Citizens earn governance tokens (govTokens) proportional to their participatory effort, literally quantifying their stake in the nation's future. This isn't theoretical, it's mathematically verifiable democracy. When faced with deadlocks like ours, citizens could propose constitutional amendments and validate them through proof-of-work consensus. The process would require genuine community effort (preventing manipulation) while creating transparent, auditable records of collective decision-making. Most importantly, this framework includes built-in safeguards through hierarchical blockchain architecture. Local communities can operate autonomous governance chains for specific issues, but these remain constitutionally bound to national principles through cryptographic merkle anchoring. It's decentralization within structure, exactly what's needed to break deadlocks while preserving sovereignty. «Vision 2029 — Грамадзянская канстытуцыйная рэформа» My parliamentary candidacy isn't about personal ambition, it's about demonstrating that citizens can reclaim their role as constitutional architects. We don't need to wait for political elites to grant us permission to fix systems that serve their interests. We are the ultimate authority in democratic governance, and constitutional amendment is our most powerful tool. The roadmap is becoming clear, informed by both our current deadlock and the possibilities demonstrated in the Tongan decentralized governance model. Between now and 2029, I must: Educate citizens about their constitutional agency and the mathematical precision possible in modern governance systems. Most people don't realize they can be more than passive voters, they can be active validators in a proof-of-participation democracy. Phase 1: Constitutional Awareness (2025-2027) Implement local governance blockchains for specific policy areas, demonstrating how decentralized consensus can resolve deadlocks that trap traditional institutions. Show that constitutional hard forks aren't destructive—they're evolutionary. Phase 2: Community Pilots (2027-2028) Campaign for constitutional amendments that embed participatory validation mechanisms directly into our governance architecture. Create frameworks where citizens can directly override institutional deadlocks through measurable proof-of-participation. Phase 3: National Constitutional Reform (2029+) Арганізатар спеўных варштатаў у межах праекта «CHOICE-Беларусь: спадчына i сучаснасць» разважае, як можна пракласці мост паміж музеем і людзьмі. , exactly what's needed to break the deadlock we face as directors trying to serve national interest. individual sovereignty exists in dynamic balance with collective responsibility Найлепшая траекторыя руху пры змене паласы - гэта вельмі плыўная, але не занадта расцягнутая па даўжыні крывая. Кожны беларускі народ — вучэбная частка краіны In my previous piece, I wrote that in Bitcoin, "we are all nodes. We are all validators. We are all guardians." The same principle applies to constitutional governance, but the Tongan decentralized governance model shows exactly how this works in practice. Every citizen becomes a node in the democratic network, with measurable power to validate or reject governance protocols. But unlike traditional voting systems that can be manipulated or ignored, blockchain based governance creates immutable records of collective will. When citizens dedicate computational effort to validate constitutional proposals, proof-of-work governance mining, they literally stake their participation in the nation's future. This creates what I call . Governance influence that accumulates through measurable contribution rather than birthright or wealth. Citizens who actively participate in constitutional validation earn governance tokens (govTokens) that represent their verified stake in the democratic process. It's democracy with mathematical precision, where participation is provable and influence is earned. "earned sovereignty" In our current deadlock situation, such a system would allow citizens to directly validate whether constitutional protections should override national interest, creating a legitimate mechanism for constitutional interpretation that doesn't rely on institutional gatekeepers or legal technicalities. Іерархічная архітэктура блокчэйнага забяспечвае, што гэта не спускаецца да мабнага кіравання.Лакальныя супольнасці могуць валідаваць спецыяльную палітыку праз свае ўласныя ланцуги кіравання, але яны застаюцца канстытуцыйна заснаванымі на нацыянальных прынцыпах праз крыптаграфічныя рызыкі. When those protocols consistently fail to serve our interests, we have the power, and the responsibility, to choose a different path. Constitutional amendment through proof-of-work consensus is our hard fork capability, our ultimate code red button, our mathematical guarantee that no system can become so entrenched that it cannot be changed by those it governs. The question isn't whether we have this power, we do. The question is whether we'll implement the technical infrastructure necessary to exercise it before the systems designed to serve us become so corrupted by special interests that they serve only themselves. Conclusion - The Reset Button Remains in Our Hands As I prepare for the 2029 parliamentary campaign, I carry with me the lesson learned in our current deadlock i.e. when existing frameworks prevent us from serving the public good, we must have the courage to change the frameworks themselves. Constitutional amendment isn't a last resort, it's a fundamental democratic tool that citizens must be prepared to use when circumstances demand it. But more than that, the future of democratic governance lies in systems that make such deadlocks mathematically impossible. The decentralized governance model I've developed for Tonga demonstrates that we can create constitutional frameworks with built-in adaptation mechanisms, systems that preserve core principles while enabling responsive evolution through direct citizen participation. The same decentralized power that makes Bitcoin resilient exists in every democracy, but we must upgrade our governance technology to access it. We are not passive subjects of constitutional frameworks imposed by others. We are the sovereign authors of our own governance systems, with the ultimate authority to rewrite the rules when they no longer serve our interests. The Tongan model shows the path forward: It's a system where citizens become active validators rather than passive voters, where participation is mathematically verified rather than assumed, and where constitutional evolution happens through community consensus rather than elite interpretation. constitutional cores that protect fundamental rights and sovereignty, combined with decentralized consensus mechanisms that allow communities to resolve governance challenges without institutional deadlock. This isn't just theoretical, it's a practical roadmap for breaking the deadlocks that trap contemporary democracies. When directors cannot serve national interest because of constitutional constraints protecting special interests, citizens need mechanisms to directly validate whether those constraints serve the public good. When parliaments cannot act because of legal technicalities, communities need the power to evolve their constitutional frameworks through measurable consensus. The reset button has always been in our hands. The Tongan decentralized governance model provides the technical architecture to press it with mathematical precision and democratic legitimacy. It's time we remembered how to use it. This piece reflects my personal views developed through experience in public enterprise governance and research into decentralized governance systems. It does not represent the official position of any organization or entity. For technical details on the decentralized governance model referenced, see my research whitepaper: "Decentralized Micro-Governance Model for the Kingdom of Tonga Based on Proof-of-Work Consensus" "Decentralized Micro-Governance Model for the Kingdom of Tonga Based on Proof-of-Work Consensus"
