FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION

The Boy's Hakluyt: English Voyages of Adventure and Discovery by Richard Hakluyt is part of the HackerNoon Books Series. You can jump to any chapter in this book here. FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION

FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION

Upon the lamentable death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and the consequent failure of his scheme of colonization, Walter Raleigh immediately took up the cause energetically, with a view of attempting a settlement on the continent in the milder southern clime; and within nineteen months, or about a year and a half, after the return home of the forlorn remnant of Sir Humphrey’s expedition, Raleigh’s first company of American colonists sailed out of Plymouth bound for the salubrious country then comprised in “Virginia.”

Raleigh’s patent, obtained from Queen Elizabeth in March, 1584, in the securing of which, as we have seen, Hakluyt’s writings were so influential, constituted him a lord proprietary with almost unlimited jurisdiction over a vast region indefinitely defined. Its provisions were similar to those of Gilbert’s patent but more ample. It licensed him, his heirs and assigns, to “discover, search, find out, and view such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, countries, and territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people,” as to him, his heirs and assigns, should seem good; and to hold, occupy, and enjoy such lands and regions with all “prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, priviledges, franchises, and pre-eminences thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land, whatsoever” the queen by her letters-patent might grant, and as she or “any of our noble projectors” had heretofore granted to “any person or persons, bodies politique or corporate”: the proviso, as in Gilbert’s patent, being made that a fifth part of all the “oare of golde and silver” that should be obtained be reserved for the queen. Powers to make laws for the government of a colony were conferred, these ordinances to be, as near as conveniently might be, agreeable to the English form of statutes, and not against the faith professed by the Church of England. They were to be in force over all who should from time to time “advantage themselves in the said journeis or voyages,” or that should at any time inhabit “any such lands, countries or territories aforesaid,” or that should abide within two hundred leagues of the place or places that Raleigh’s companies should inhabit within six years from the date of the patent. Raleigh might make grants from his territory at his pleasure.

Hakluyt gives the text of the patent in the Principal Navigations under this title: “The letters patents granted by the Queenes Majestie to M. Walter Ralegh, now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands and Countries, to continue the space of 6 yeeres and no more.”

SIR WALTER RALEIGH AT THE AGE OF 34.

From a Photograph, copyrighted by Walker & Cockerell, of the portrait attributed to Federigo Zuccaro in the National Portrait Gallery.

Raleigh was now high in the queen’s favor, and with large influence at court. He was in or about his thirty-second year, of rugged manhood, handsome, and debonair. The son of a country gentleman, well connected through his father’s three marriages with families of prominence, and taking young to adventure, he was early concerned in lively affairs. He was born about the year 1552, at Hayes, near Budlegh Salterton, South Devonshire, the second son of his father’s third wife, who was the widow of Otho Gilbert and the mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Through his father’s first wife, who was Joan Drake, he was related to Sir Francis Drake. His own brother was Sir Carew Raleigh, who was concerned with him in Gilbert’s first expedition of 1578. As a boy he became interested in seamanship and the life of the sea from talks with sailors returned from distant voyages. At fifteen he was at Oxford, entered in Oriel College. At seventeen he was serving as a volunteer in the French Huguenot army. He remained in France through the next five years. Back in London in 1576, he was variously employed. The next year, or early in 1578, he was warring in the Low Countries under Sir John Norris. Later in September he was at Dartmouth, busied with Humphrey Gilbert in fitting out the fleet for that year’s venture, in which he sailed in command of the “Falcon.” In 1580 he was serving in Ireland as captain of a company, and he had part in the awful and cruel massacre at Somerwich in November of that year. Toward the end of 1581 he was sent home to England with despatches from the new governor of Münster. Coming to the court he attracted the fancy of the queen by his manly presence, bearing, and gallantry, and he rose instantly into the royal favor. With this time is dated the tradition of his spreading his new plush coat over a muddy way for the queen to walk upon. He was granted lucrative monopolies, particularly the “wine licenses,” the profits of which enabled him liberally to prosecute the schemes of Western adventure he was then developing.

Raleigh’s patent received the royal signature on the twenty-fifth day of March, 1584, and only a month later, as we have seen (Chapter I), his preliminary expedition, comprising his two barks under the experienced captains Amadas and Barlow, charged to investigate, hasten back, and report, had sailed off; and under the inspiration of the warm-coloured story that these captains told upon their return in September, the first colonization band was formed. This fascinating narrative, therefore, is the prologue to the epic of true English colonization in America, culminating in the permanent settlement at Jamestown.

It appears in full in the Principal Navigations with this caption: “The first voyage made to the coasts of America with two barks, where in were Captaines M. Philip Amidas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the Countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth.” Barlow was the author.

The captains set sail on the twenty-seventh of April, taking the southern course by the West Indies toward the coast of Florida. Their landfall, now reckoned to have been shoals out from Capes Fear and Hatteras, was made on the fourth of July. Their approach was propitious, for as they struck shoal water two days before, by which they were assured that land was not far off, they “smelt so sweet and so strong a smel as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding in all kinds of odoriferous flowers.” They first supposed the coast they saw to be that of a continent and “firme land.” They ranged along it northward some “hundred and twentie English miles,” seeking an opening. At length they came to an inlet which they entered, “not without some difficultie,” and dropped anchor “about three harquebuz-shot” within the haven’s mouth. Just where this inlet was has been a matter of long discussion by historical investigators. Some have confidently identified it with Ocracoke, now Oregon Inlet: others with New Inlet. A later authority (Talcott Williams) designated it as a passage long ago closed by the drifting sands, north of Roanoke Island, and near Collington Island. After giving thanks to God for their safe arrival thither, they manned their small boats and went ashore on the “island of Wocokon” (identified as Collington Island); and here forthwith performed the ceremony of taking possession of the region “in the right of the Queenes most excellent Majestie, as rightful Queene and Princesse of the same,” and for Raleigh under his patent.

This ceremony over they viewed the land about them. While sandy and low by the waterside it soon rose into fair little hills. Close by the water’s edge were masses of grape vines. So “full of grapes” indeed was the place that “the very beating and surging of the Sea overflowed them.” There was such plenty “as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well as every little shrubb, as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars,” that the narrator thought that in all the world the “like abundance” was not to be found: and he was a much-travelled man. Ascending one of the little hills they saw the place to be an island and not the main. Below them they beheld valleys “replenished with goodly Cedar trees.” Upon discharging their “harquebuz-shot” such a flock of cranes, mostly white ones, rose that their cry “redoubled by many echoes” was “as if an armie of men had showted together.” The island was seen to be rich in “many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance.” The woods contained “the highest and reddest Cedars of the world ... Pynes, Cypres, Sarsaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke, the tree that beareth the vine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter [of Drake’s fleet that entered the Pacific] brought from the straights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smel and qualitie.”

They remained at this island for two whole days before they had sight of any natives. On the third day when on ship-board they espied a canoe paddling toward them with three Indians in it. When it had come within “foure harquebuz-shot” of their ships it put into the point of land nearest to them. Two of its three occupants went up into the island, while the other walked to and fro along the point, viewing the ships with evident interest. Then the two captains and a few others rowed to the shore to meet him. As they approached he made no shew of “feare or doubt.” After he had spoken with them “of many things” which they could not understand, he was invited by gestures to visit the ships, which he showed was quite to his liking. On board he was entertained with a taste of their wine and their bread, which he “liked very much,” and was given a shirt, a hat, and some other things. When he had viewed both barks to his satisfaction, he was sent back ashore. Again taking his canoe which he had left in a creek he fell a-fishing not far from the ships, and in less than half an hour he had laden his boat “as deepe as it could swimme.” Then returning to the point of land nearest the ships he here divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to one of the ships and one to the other. And so, “as much as he might,” requiting the benefits he had received from the Englishmen, he departed from their sight.

The next day a considerable body of natives appeared and formally made the Englishmen welcome:

"There came unto us divers boates, and in one of them the king’s brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa. The maner of his comming was in this sort: hee left his boates altogether, as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against the shippes followed with fortie men.

"When he came to the place his servants spread a long matte upon the ground on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat afarre off: when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, hee never moved from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any harme to be offred from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed: and being set hee made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours, to shew wee were all one, smiling and making shew the best he could of all love and familiaritie.

“After he had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the companie durst speake one worde all the time: onely the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly.”

The king himself, it was explained, could not appear, for he was lying at the chief town of the country, six days’ journey off, sore wounded from a fight with the king of “the next countrie.”

A day or two after this welcoming meeting the Englishmen fell to trade with the natives, exchanging various trinkets for “chamoys, buffe, and Deere skinnes.” A bright tin dish had more attractions than anything else in their packet of merchandise. One of the natives “clapt” it on his breast and making a hole in the rim hung it about his neck as a shield, with gestures to indicate that it would defend him against his enemies’ arrows. The dish was exchanged for twenty skins worth twenty English crowns. A copper kettle was traded for fifty skins worth as many crowns. The natives offered good exchange for hatchets, axes, and knives, and would have given anything for swords: but with these the Englishmen would not part. The king’s brother took a special fancy to the Englishmen’s armor. He offered to lay a great box of pearls in gage for a suit, together with a sword and a few other things. His offer was declined for the reason that the captains did not want him to know how highly they prized the pearls till they had learned in “what places the pearls grew.” They afterward apparently satisfied themselves on this point, when, in an exploration of a neighbouring river, they found “great store of Muskles in which there are pearles.”

After a few days Granganimeo came aboard the ships and was entertained like the first visitor, with wine, meat, and bread, to his great pleasure. Another day he brought his wife, daughter, and two or three children aboard. The wife was of small stature, “very well favoured, and very bashful.” She was attired in a long cloak of skin with the fur inwards. Her forehead was adorned with a band of white coral. From her ears depended “bracelets” of pearls, each pearl, of the size of a pea, extending to her waist. Her women attendants, who remained on the shore, some forty of them, during her visit, had pendants of copper in their ears, and some of Granganimeo’s children and those of other “noble” men wore five or six in each ear. Granganimeo’s apparel was a cloak like his wife’s, and on his head was a broad plate of gold or copper. The women wore their hair long on both sides, the men on but one. These natives were of a yellowish colour and generally with black hair.

Their boats were made out of whole trees, either pine or pitch trees. Their manner of constructing them was thus: “They burne downe some great tree or take such as are winde fallen, and putting gumme and rosen on one side thereof they set fire unto it, and when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, and even where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes which burne away the timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men.” Their oars were “like scoopes,” and “many times they set with long pooles as the depth serveth.”

The king’s brother was very just in keeping his promises and generous with supplies. Every day he sent to the ships a brace or two of fat “Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish the best of the world.” Also “divers kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and divers roots,” and of their “countrey corne, which is very white, faire, and well tasted, and groweth three times in five moneths.” The Englishmen “proved” the soil, putting some pease into the ground; in less than ten days, the narrator averred, they were of “fourteene ynches high.” The natives also raised beans “very faire of divers colours and wonderful plentie: some growing naturally, and some in their gardens”; and both wheat and oats. The soil was declared to be “the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholesome of all the worlde.” There were counted fourteen or more different “sweete smeling” timber trees. The most part of the underwoods were “Bayes and such like.” There were oaks like those of England, but “farre greater and better.”

The narrator with seven others went “twentie miles into the river that runneth towarde the citie of Skiwak [Indian village], which river they [the natives] call Occam, and in the evening following ... came to an island which they call Roanoak.” At the north end of this island was a village of nine houses built of cedar and fortified round with sharp trees to keep out their enemies, the entrance being “made like a turne pike very artificially.” This village was the home of Granganimeo. As they neared it his wife came running down to the waterside to meet them. Granganimeo was not then in the village, and his spouse did the honours of host most graciously. She bade some of her people to draw the Englishmen’s boat through the beating billows to the shore; others to carry the visitors on their backs to the dry ground; others to take their oars to her house lest the boat might be stolen. After they were come into her dwelling, a hut of five rooms, they were sat by a great fire while their wet garments were washed and dried by her women, she herself in the meantime taking “great paines to see all things ordered in the best maner shee could,” and “making great haste to dress some meat” for their supper. When they had comfortably dried themselves they were conducted into an inner room where, “on the board standing along the house,” a tempting banquet of venison, fruits, and wheat foods was spread. The whole entertainment was marked by “all love and kindnesse, and with as much bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly devise.” Here, as in their other experiences, the Englishmen found the people “most gentle, loving, and faithful, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the maner of the golden age.”

Throughout the visit at Roanoke their hostess was assiduous for their welfare. This was most energetically displayed in an incident while they were at supper. “There came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee espied we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons: but assoone as she espied our mistrust shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe.” When as the evening waned the Englishmen made ready to return to their boats, declining the hospitality of the village over night, she had the viands left over from the supper, “pottes and all,” carried to their craft. When they embarked and rowed off a “prettie” distance from the shore, there to lie through the night, she was much grieved at this evidence of mistrust, and again entreated them to rest in the houses of the village. And when they still declined, she sent “divers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke side” opposite them; and as rain began to fall mats were sent out to them for protection against the storm. The narrator explained that they were thus cautious because they were “fewe men,” and if they had “miscaried” the expedition would have been in great danger, so they “durst not adventure any thing.” Yet they had no cause to doubt the sincerity of these natives, “for a more kinde and loving people there can not be founde in the worlde, as farre as we have hitherto had trial.”

On other days further explorations were made around Albemarle Sound, and information more or less authentic was gathered from the natives as to Indian towns, and relations between the tribes and the several kings of the region round about. They found that beyond the islands lay the mainland. They were told of the greatest Indian city called “Scicoak,” on the “River Occam”: of another great town on a tributary of this river, under a “free lord,” independent of neighbouring kings; and another, four days’ journey southwest of Roanoke, called “Sequotan,” or “Secotan.” The friendship of the natives increased in warmth on closer intercourse with the Englishmen. Their interest in the English ships was unbounded. Whenever a gun was discharged, “were it but a hargubuz,” they would tremble “for the strangeness of the same.” Their own weapons were principally slender bows and arrows. The arrows were small canes headed with a sharp shell or a fish’s tooth, but “sufficient ynough to kill a naked man.” They used swords of hardened wood, and a sort of club with the sharp horns of a stag fastened at the heavy end. They wore wooden breastplates for defence. When they went to war they carried with them “their idol of whom they aske counsel as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo.” They sang songs as they marched forth to battle instead of sounding drums and trumpets. Their wars were “very cruel and bloody.” For this reason, and as a result of civil dissensions that had happened among them in recent years, the people of the region were “marvellously wasted, and in some places the countrey [was] left desolate.”

When the reconnoitering captains finally set sail for the return to England they carried with them two of the natives, “lustie men,” Wanchese and Manteo by name. Manteo afterward became of considerable service to the first two colonies, and rose to the distinction of a native American baron—the “Lord of Roanoak,” as will duly appear with the development of the story of colonization in the following chapters.

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